Chronology of Events Related to Stanley Civilian Internment Camp: View pages

Today Hong Kong's 'European' civilians begin the journey that will lead to Stanley Camp.

The Japanese-run English language newspaper The Hong Kong News publishes a notice telling enemy civilians to assemble on the Murray Parade Ground tomorrow. Placards to this effect are also sent to the main residential areas and posted on the streets. But some people in outlying areas don't see the notice, while others choose to ignore it.

Up until today the civilians have been scattered all over the former colony: there's a substantial number at the Kowloon Hotel, some are in a camp at North Point, some in public edifices like the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation Building or the Lane, Crawford Headquarters, while others are in some else's house. It's probably rare to find a family living on their own at their pre-war address. The concentration effect that has already moved them into larger groupings is about to get much stronger.

Sources:

Hong Kong News: Geoffrey Emerson, Hong Kong Internment, 2007, 36

Notices posted: John Stericker, A Tear for the Dragon, 1958, 140.


Between 1000 and 1500 civilians gather at the Murray Parade Ground.

A number of people living in outlying areas are not present because news of the order never reached them, while others decide to risk ignoring it.

 

After chaotic scenes, most of those present are marched off to low quality hotels on the waterfront where they will be kept for more than two weeks. Historian Oliver Lindsay writes:

This 'accommodation' was chosen by the Japanese with a view to destroying what little remained of British 'face' or prestige.

Similar thoughts seem to have gone through the minds of some people on the day. American missionary John Bechtel and his party are drawn up in front of a 'dreary-looking, red-brick, five-story structure' - the Ta Kwan (Tai Koon) Hotel.

A 'wave of indignation' passes along the line as it's realised they're going to be confined in such a 'disreputable' building. With so many 'European-styled' hotels in town, why confine them in what most of them believe is a 'Chinese brothel'? They stumble up the 'narrow, gloomy, dirty, dusty staircase' but are told on the first floor landing there's no room and they must go higher. After finding their rooms, they're so unhappy with them they ask if they can go to a still higher storey, but they're told that all floors are the same, and on the fourth floor are Germans who've been billetted there even though they're allies of the Japanese (they have, though, been given passes so they can enter and leave freely).

 

Wenzell Brown is in the South Asia Hotel:

This had been a waterfront brothel before the war....

The six of us were taken up the stairs and led into a room. It had no windows and there were no lights. It was about seven feet long and six feet wide and contained one bed....A trickle of water seeped into the room at one corner. I explored and found the toilets adjoined the room. The water supply had broken down long ago. Well water had been thrown into the toilets and had spread out over the floor. Already the odour was sickening, and it would get steadily worse.

 

John Stericker is in Room 312 of the Tung Fong Hotel:

(W)e drew up at a gloomy and decadent looking building that called itself a hotel. It had been part brothel, part boarding house for impoverished seamen and the employees of the chicken boats. Into this miserable hovel, devoid of all light and ordinary amenities, one hundred and fifty 'hotel guests' continued marching...four people slept on one bed seventy-two inches by thirty-six.

At the top of the staircase was a small opening to the outer air and a railed passage led to the dirtiest water-closets it is possible to imagine. There were two of them for one hundred and fifty of us...

On the floor below was the kitchen. This was almost as unsavoury as the lavatories. Its walls were black with soot.

 

The bankers are divided into groups: those who are needed to help with the liquidation of their own banks are sent to the Sun Wah Hotel, the rest to the Nam Ping Hotel.

Sources:

Numbers: John Stericker, A Tear For The Dragon, 1958 142-143

This 'accommodation': Oliver Lindsay, At The Going Down of the Sun, 1981, 34

Bechtel: John Bechtel, Fetters Fall, 1945, 166-167, 169

Brown: Wenzell Brown, Hong Kong Aftermath, 1943, 54-55

Bankers: Frank King, History of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, Volume 3, 1988, 573

Note: How many of those who were sent to Stanley were in the hotels?

The two weeks or so in the squalid and sometimes rat-infested hotels on the waterfront were possibly the worst part of the captivity as far as discomfort and privation went, so it's worth trying to establish roughly how many of the soon-to-be-internees experienced it.

1) Let's start with the middle figure of Stericker's range for those on the Murray Parade Ground: 1250.

2) As Barbara Anslow's diary shows, some people were already in hotels.

3) On January 6 the police were added, as were a number of those who'd been sent away on the first day (see tomorrow's entry).

4) Conditions in the Kowloon Hotel were similar to those on the waterfront, and the escaper R. B. Levkovich estimated that about 400 people ended up there, including those captured at the Repulse Bay Hotel and well-known Hong Kong 'character' Edward Gingle and his party. However, by no means all of these people were sent to Stanley, and there are much lower estimates - I think 200 would be a reasonable guess putting them all together

5) Staff-Sergeant Sheridan's Memoir suggests that Lane, Crawford staff were taken from the Exchange Building at some point after January 9 - this suggests that the Japanese carried out 'sweeping up' operations after the bulk of those they wished to confine were already in the hotels.

6) Many or most of the medical staff seem to have stayed in their institutions unless and until the Japanese wanted to take them over, when they were typically sent to another institution or straight into Stanley after it was set up.

7) Groups of people on the Peak went straight into Stanley, as did most of the employees of Hong Kong University who remained on Campus. 

8) I'm aware of a number of smaller groups who avoided the hotels and I'm sure there are many groups, large and small, I'm not aware of. One group worth mentioning is those in the North Point Camp/French Hospital - about 100 people who experienced conditions similar in some ways to those in the hotels.

In summary: my best estimate at the moment is that between 1500 and 2000 people were in the hotels, either on the waterfront or in Kowloon. That's about 60% of the total, and a quick run through of internee memoirs on my shelves comes up with the same figure - about 60% were written by people who were in one or other of the hotels.


Father Bernard Tohill and two others had waited around at the Murray Parade Ground yesterday but were told to go home in the late afternoon. He returns today with five others and they're eventually taken to the Nam Ping Hotel at 141 Des Voeux Road Central. They are given no food by the Japanese, but are fed by a group that had arrived on the fifth. The next day they are told they have to provide for themselves, so they set up a fund to which they contribute a dollar a day.

 

The police had been exempted from the summons to the Murray Parade Ground, but today they're sent to the Luk Hoi Tung Hotel:

About 250 of us were packed into its forty odd rooms (meant for two each) which opened onto narrow verandahs along each of the two floors...

It was a small, dark room with plywood walls, the only ventilation being the half-size swing door that opened onto the verandah. Taking up most of the room were two small, Chinese-style double beds with wooden bed boards and straw mats over them...Two of us slept on each bed, the rest of us on the floor. I preferred the verandah despite the constant stream of visitors to the three stinking lavatories at the end of it. I found them less offensive than the rats running around the room or the cockroaches dropping from the ceiling.

 

Policeman Jim Shepherd has previously got a pass from the Japanese and now puts it to use:

On 6/1/42 we were put into internment in the Chinese Hotels, prior to going to Stanley, and by my efforts I retained the Commissioner of Police's car for which I received permit to use, and, with my own pass, made full use of same by taking wounded from the Hong Kong Hotel Military Casualty Clearing Station (where S. I. Whelan and Sgt. Alexander performed some fine work) - to Bowen Road Hospital.

 

Franklin Gimson, the newly arrived Colonial Secretary, is taken away under guard after writing a strongly-phrased letter to the Japanese authorities:

(Y)ou must realise that your occupation of the Colony can be but a temporary measure....

Sources:

Tohill: Fr. Bernard Tohill, 'Some Notes from a Diary of the Years 1941-1942'.

Police: George Wright-Nooth, Prisoner of the Turnip Heads, 1994, 79-80

Shepherd: Jim Shepherd, Silks, Satins, Gold Braid And Monkey Jackets, 1996, 55-56

Gimson: Phyllis Harrop, Hong Kong Incident, 1943, 105


Wenzell Brown and his fellows have the 'rules and regulations which were to govern us' read by two Japanese, who also lecture them about the bad treatment of Japanese nationals in the USA. But there's a happier development:

The first batch of food came in on the third day - rice and ducks. The ducks had come from the storage rooms of the Dairy Farm where the refrigeration system had broken down two weeks before. The meat had turned blue, and it gave forth a most unpleasant odor.

 

Attorney-General C. G. Alabaster forwards a set of documents relating to the finances of the Hong Kong Goverment and the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation to Swiss Consul Harry Keller in the Alexander Building for safe-keeping, Tomorrow Franklin Gimson (see below) will send more documents to Keller. They will be returned to Gimson on September 4, 1945..

 

Soon after 9p.m. Franklin Gimson, who had been held at Central Police Station, is released. He'd not been treated badly, although Japanese officials kept walking past his cell (number 9) waving a letter he'd written to them which they deemed offensively forthright, and an Indian guard had made so much noise that he'd been unable to sleep. At 9 p.m. he was taken from his cell and he expected to be executed, but found the Japanese Consul-General waiting in his car to return him to the Prince's Building. He has a stiff drink and some food and retires to bed.

Sources:

Food: Wenzell Brown, Hong Kong Aftermath, 1943, 57, 61

Alabaster and Gimson: Letters of January 7 and 8 in E2200.10.01 (1941-1945) (Swiss Federal Archives, Berne)

Gimson: Phyllis Harrop, Hong Kong Incident, 1943, 107


Phyllis Harrop writes in her diary:

There are still a large number of people living on the Peak who have not yet been interned...

 

Some of these, including the policeman Norman Gunning, his wife Nan, a nurse, and baby son Richard, avoid internment in the hotels completely and are sent straight to Stanley.

Also in this category are Quaker missionary William Sewell and his family. They're living in a group including the Refos and the Kennedy-Skiptons. George Kennedy-Skipton and Henry Refo will agree to do 'constructive work' for the Chinese in Hong Kong to avoid internment. Henry and the rest of his family will end up in Stanley, but Kennedy-Skipton will remain uninterned and eventually face dismissal from his government post and suspicions of collaboration.

Sources :

Peak: Harrop, Hong Kong Incident, 1943, 108

Gunning: Norman Gunning, Passage to Hong Kong, 2009, 130

Sewells: William Sewell, Strange Harmony, 1948, 46-47

Refos, Kennedy-Skipton: Sally Refo's Letter, available to members of the Yahoo Stanley Group (now defunct).

Note:

A post-war tribunal upheld Mr. Kennedy-Skipton's dismissal but cleared him of all charges of disloyalty to the Crown. See also entries for February 7 and February 11.

For a full account of the Kennedy-Skipton case see https://jonmarkgreville2.wordpress.com/2012/09/01/accusations-of-collab…


In the Kowloon YMCA the day Edith Hamson has been longing for finally arrives:

Four excruciatingly long weeks passed and nothing happened to change our situation. There was no more fighting, no more bombing. We remained cooped inside the YMCA in crowded quarters with no news of the outside world....

The morning of 9 January began as just another miserable day. Then, without warning, we were ordered to congregate in the foyer.

They are taken to the Kowloon Hotel. As she struggles up the stairs to the second floor, she sees her husband Arthur standing at the top of the landing:

I forgot about the soldiers guarding us, I forgot about everything and started running up as he came towards me. The children followed me, and the four of us held each other, kissing and hugging...

The soldier screamed at us in Japanese, pointing skywards and pushing Arthur back up the stairs. Our reunion had lasted for less than a minute, then my husband was gone.

 

Captain Tanaka, at the time Japanese head of communications, gives permission to Thomas Edgar and other bakers to start making bread for the hospitals. They open the Chinese-owned Green Dragon (Ching Loong) Bakery in Wanchai.  ((See note.))

Sources:

Tanaka: article by E. (mistake for T. H.) Edgar, The British Baker, September 13, 1946, pages 18-19

Hamsons: Allana Corbin, Prisoners Of The East, 2002, 115-117 

Note:

Barbara Anslow's diary establishes that bread began to reach the hotels on January 12 and John Luff, basing himself on the diary of Captain A. Potts, states that 'the local Red Cross sent in sufficient bread (to the Nam King Hotel) to provide each person with one slice a day'. Neither of the two extant accounts by the bakers mentions sending bread to the hotels, but it seems likely that the Ching Loong was indeed the source of the bread that went in.

Source: John Luff, The Hidden Years, 1967, 166


The Norwegians are told by the Japanese Consul-General that they are to be considered enemies. Neverthless, they will not be sent to Stanley when it's opened later this month. ((See April 16, 1942.))

Source:

J. Krogh-Moe, 'A Brief Report of Stanley Internment Camp From A Norwegian Point of View', page 1, in Hong Kong PRO, HKRS163 1-104


D. L. Newbigging and J. D. Thompson, two of the directors of the Dairy Farm, write a letter to Mr. Tokito of the Japanese Civil Authorities calling attention to the neglect suffered by the dairy herd and asking for the matter to be given attention.

Source:

Nigel Cameron, The Milky Way: The History of Dairy Farm, 1986, 140


Phyllis Harrop goes to Rosary Hill Military Hospital to see if she can get a note through to the POW Camp (Shamshuipo):

{This hospital} is a large building in a compound of many acres and normally is a Spanish Dominican Monastery, but had been requisitioned as an emergency hospital. 

While she's there she's taken to see the grave of her friend Brenda Morgan, 'with whom I'd arranged to spend the Christmas holidays':

She had been killed when the hospital was shelled and had been buried in the Monastery Garden.

 

Dr. Harry Talbot operates on Sir Arthur Blackburn

Sir Arthur is the Counsellor at the British Embassy in Chungking and he's been caught in Hong Kong after coming to the Colony for medical treatment - he sustained damage to his ear and knee during a Japanese bombing raid on the wartime capital of Free China.

On January 6 he was sent to the 'War Memorial Nursing Home' where the British staff were still at work, and on January 10 he went to the Queen Mary Hospital for X-rays, which confirmed Dr. Talbot's opinion that an immediate operation was necessary. This takes place today - 'he found it necessary to do a radical mastoid operation and make me a new earhole'.

Sources:

Harrop: Phyllis Harrop, Hong Kong Incident, 1943, 112

Talbot: A. D. Blackburn, Hong Kong, December 1941-July 1942


A meeting is held between the Japanese and internee representatives at the Asia Hotel, one of the largest of the hotel-brothels.

At this meeting it is announced that the internees will be moved to a camp on the Stanley Peninsula consisting of the buildings of St. Stephen's College and the outbuildings of Stanley Prison (but not the prison itself).

One of the internee representatives is Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke, the Medical Director, whose idea it was to intern the Allied civilians at Stanley. 

The plan is to move everyone tomorrow, but Selwyn-Clarke gets a postponement on the grounds that Stanley isn't ready. The original idea is also to not send those outside the hotels (e.g. on the Peak or at the University) to the new camp, and, according to John Stericker, the fact that in the end almost all 'white' enemy civilians are to be in Stanley accounts for the massive over-crowding.

Source:

John Stericker, Captive Colony, 1945, Chapter 111, pages 5-6

 


Things change for the nurses at Bowen Road Military Hospital:

Up until about Jan. 18th, we were allowed to go out into the town provided we got permission from the matron and had one of our two men escort us. We ((presumably the writer Anna Waters and the other Canadian nurse, Kay Christie)) only went out once. On Sunday, Jan. 11th, we walked up to the War Memorial Hospital to visit one of our officers.

After Jan. 18th, Jap guards were put on the gates. Barbed wire was put up around the hospital grounds. Some time later it was electrified. The guards used to wander around the hospital any time during the day or night but we didn't have any trouble with them.

Source:

Report by Miss Anna May Waters Nurse with the Canadian Forces at Hong Kong, as given on board the MS Gripsholm, November 1943,  points 43-44


Daisy ('Day') Sage (later Joyce) is sent to Stanley Camp from the emergency hospital at La Salle College in Kowloon, where she'd worked in the Auxilliary Nursing Service during the fighting.

Dr. Alan Barwell is also sent from Lasalle to Stanley, as is Robert E. Stott, who's he's treating for an internal hemorrhage. Stott will later escape from the French Hospital.

The Japanese take over the Queen Mary Hospital in Pokfulam, moving the patients to other hospitals at short notice, much to the indignation of Dr K. H. Digby, who refuses to join those doctors staying outside of camp to 'work for the health of the community'. He goes to Stanley, while the doctors who agree to stay out and the volunteer drivers end up at the French Hospital in Causeway Bay. The Japanese wanted a place where all the medical offcers could live under the same roof, so presumably that was why the French Hospital (aka St Pauls) was chosen - there's a huge compound with plenty of accommodation, a high wall, and a gate.

Maryknoll House is taken over by the Japanese and the Maryknollers are sent to Stanley. They're in Blocks E, F and G in the Prison Warders' apartments, sleeping on camp cots, 4-7 in a room.

Sources:

Sage: Geoffrey Emerson, Hong Kong Internment, 2008, Additional Appendix 111

Barwell and Stott: Stott's Escape Statement, pages 2 and 3 (Ride Papers)

Queen Mary Hospital: Emily Hahn, China To Me, 1986 ed., 307-309; (Hahn gives the date of the expulsion as January 20/21; Barbara Anslow’s diary entry for tomorrow confirms January 20.)

Maryknollers: The Maryknoll Diary, 194


In Tokyo Premier Tojo Hideki makes a speech to the Japanese House of Peers outlining war aims. If Burma and the Philippines submit to Japanese hegemony, they'll eventually get independence. But areas like Hong Kong and Malaya which are 'absolutely essential for the defence of Greater East Asia' would be held under Japanese rule.

 

In Hong Kong today is a day of movement for most of the  civilians.

 

The majority of those interned in the waterfront hotels are sent by boat to an improvised camp on the Stanley Peninsula.

Jean Mather:

Early on the morning of January 21, we were assembled outside our hotel. Our crocodile was formed, and way down the road on either side we could see sections of the civilians marked for Stanley Camp....Clutching the bundles, which had accumulated, the processions under armed guard filed slowly down towards the pier. There was much ribaldry as the lines caught up or passed other groups headed the same way. The usual marching songs were rivalled by lewd rugger ditties....

Gwen Priestwood, having failed to execute a planned escape the day before the Murray Parade Ground registration, was on her way to Stanley too:

A small boy of five or six...walked along in front of me. He wore a blue overcoat, and from its belt hung everything his mother thought he would need: an enamel mug, a spoon, a knife, and fork, a small chamber, scissors, an enamel saucepan and other things. His mother walked beside him, a light curtain pole over her shoulder, with an assortment of bundles hanging on it....

After an unpleasant journey - 'We were almost elbow to elbow. Many unfortunates were being seasick' - Jean Mather and her mother arrive in Stanley Camp. They are amongst the lucky ones: they like the four women they are to share with, they are told that the bathroom has a shower that works until 8 p.m., and their balcony has views over beautiful Tytam Bay.

 

Future Camp Secretary John Stericker has an easier voyage:

We were packed tightly into boats until they became not only overloaded but top heavy. Fortunately we struck very calm waters and after following the coast for two hours we arrived at the small jetty below the high fortified peninsula at Stanley. This was a name that was to become engraved on the hearts of most of us for the remainder of our days.

He sees that most people are heading for the Warders' Quarters, but decides it's worth walking a bit further to the St. Stephen's College buildings. With a couple of friends he is able to 'grab' a room overlooking Stanley Bay and he eventually comes to realise how lucky they are:

Each little room, about fourteen feet by ten, contained the luxury of two or three iron hospital beds and some articles of furniture. Moreover our troops had left behind masses of plates, cutlery and other useful utensils. 

 

Back in Hong Kong, Phyllis Harrop hears how bad conditions are:

I met Doctor Rambler ((probably Siegfried Szarfstein-Ramler)) this afternoon. He had just returned from Stanley and reports conditions are terrible. Very little water, and in some places none at all, no sanitary arrangments, no furniture and no cooking utensils. Houses have been thoroughly looted and damaged just as they have been elsewhere on the island.

But the Allied civillians have no choice about going. Wenzell Brown arrives late in the afternoon. He notices Chinese workmen still putting 'barbed-wire entanglements' into place.

 

Bill Ream also arrives on this day, but as he was at Queen Mary's Hospital, he was taken direct to Stanley by bus. He takes a suitcase full of his luggage and a few blankets, and is later amazed to hear that the Americans seem to have been able to take so much more. He and a friend from the Hospital, Jack Johnston, find a room with camp beds in the Main European Warders' blocks, but have to move out to make room for two families with children. They leave the camp beds, and sleep on a corridor floor for the night.

But before that they eat their first meal in Stanley Camp:

Some food was provided for us in the evening....My diary records 'some rice and a small portion of a fishy mixture and some soya beans for the evening meal.

(O)n 21 January 1942, with the majority of internees in the Camp, bedded down with one meal digested, Stanley Civilian Internment Camp had become a reality.

Geoffrey Emerson

Sources:

Tojo: W. G. Beasley, Japanese Imperialism, 1987, 235

Mather: Jean Mather, Twisting The Tail Of The Dragon, 1994, 28-29; 31; 33-34

Stericker: John Stericker, A Tear For The Dragon, 1958, 149, 151

Priestwood: Gwen Priestwood, Through Japanese Barbed Wire, 1944, 42

Harrop: Phyllis Harrop: Hong Kong Incident, 1943, 120

Brown: Wenzell Brown, Hong Kong Aftermath, 1943, 96

Ream: Bill Ream, Too Hot For Comfort, 1988, 35-40

 Bird's Eye View: The Civilian Experience So Far

The experience of Hong Kong's 'white' Allied civilians so far can be divided roughly into three stages:

1) the fighting (December 8-25) - civilians have different experiences according to their roles and those of their loved ones; most of them start in their own homes and end either there (perhaps with others who have been forced to join them), in someone else's home, in a 'concentration point' such as their workplace or one of the big hotels;

2) the Japanese takeover (December 26-January 5) - most civilians stay where they ended up during the fighting, move to a safer house or to a hotel, or are told to report to their place of work;

3) internment in one of the waterfront hotels (January 5 -21) - although a fair number of civilians avoid this stage, the majority are kept in crowded and unpleasant hotel-brothels with inadequate food, air and opportunities for exercise. The substantial number who ended stage 2) at the Kowloon Hotel stay there, and there are also about 100 people who were first held at the former refugee Camp at North Point and then moved to St. Paul's ('the French') Hospital. Both these groups - perhaps more than 500 in all - live in similar conditions to those on the waterfront.

On January 21 it becomes clear that these stages are preliminary to what will become the main setting for the wartime experiences of almost all these people: Stanley Civilian Internment Camp. (For some exceptions see January 31, 1942, 'Bird's Eye View'.)

Up until now the future Stanleyites have been in sub-groups: with family and friends, with strangers thrown together by the war, sharing a hotel room with others in their groups, but now most of them are together, and while no two individuals will react to Stanley in the same way, there are to be important common elements in their experience of internment.

A small British party has gone ahead to prepare the Camp for the arrival of the rest of the internees, but they haven't been able to do much more than bury some of the bodies left by the desperate fighting at Stanley (and, according to some sources, look after their own and their friends' interests). So in the first few days the newly-arrived camp-dwellers must create living spaces that will be reasonably safe and clean (and, to a very limited extent, comfortable).

Then a grim battle begins to take shape: it becomes clear that the Japanese will send the internees rations enough to keep them alive but not much more: from the start most of them are losing weight and strength, and the medicines made available are not nearly adequate to treat the problems that soon begin to arise. There are periods when the rations improve, and people even regain some lost weight, but the basic trajectory of their bodies is downwards. And not just of their bodies: most people are sent to Stanley between January 21-23, and they take with them what they think to carry (those who come in later are forewarned and usually bring in a little more): this deteriorating collection of objects, plus the ones they find in the camp, supplemented by whatever the Red Cross, the humanitarian smugglers or the blackmarketeers manage to get in, is what most internees will have to rely on to provide the material basis of their lives over the next next three years and eight months.

In addition to this intense physical deprivation, almost everyone has to face the psychological difficulty of confinement, in in adequate space, sometimes with a random group of strangers. It's a long time before anyone hears from family back home, and trips to see husbands in the POW Camps are never arranged. Some women are mourning husbands killed in the fighting, and almost everyone's lost at least one friend. And in the background the constant fear of what the captors might do.

Can individuals, families and communities withstand these conditions? If they ever walk free, what kind of people will they have become? The battle to survive, physically and spiritually, will test every internee to the limit.


American internee Wenzell Brown goes to St. Stephen's College and has his first shower for 27 days:

The cold harsh needles of water seemed to give me new life. My razor, shaving brush, a cake of soap, toothpaste and toothbrush were, other than my blankets and the clothing I had on, my only possessions.

 

M. L. Bevan states in today's diary entry that the rations are 8 ounces of rice, about 3 ounces of meat and one slice of bread per day. He estimates the number of British as about 2,300 and notes some cases of dysentery.

 

At 4 p.m. the representatives of those living in St. Stephen's College gather for probably the first committee meeting in Stanley.

Sources:

Brown: Wenzell Brown, Hong Kong Aftermath, 1943, 99

Bevan: Typescript Of Diary, 523.1 (Bevan) 58132, held at the Imperial War Museum

St. Stephen's: John Stericker, Captive Colony, Chapter iv, page 1


The 400 or so people being held at the Kowloon Hotel are sent to Stanley Camp. They are kept waiting in the street outside for hours and then joined by people held at other hotels before going by ferry to Stanley.

 

George Wright-Nooth and other police internees at the Luk Hoi Tung Hotel are also sent to the Camp.

Because the police are among the last to arrive, there is little choice of accommodation, and they end up in Bungalow C, which was badly damaged in the fighting. There are hastily dug graves of British soldiers nearby, the area is littered with live ammunition, small arms and unexploded grenades, there's a shell hole in the roof and all the windows are smashed. Because of the blood, filth and human excreta, a respirator must be worn when cleaning the bathroom. Forty-seven people end up living in the bungalow.

 

Also in Bungalow C is Gwen Priestwood, who'd been forced to abandon a plan to escape the day before the Murray Parade Ground assembly. She and seven other women sleep in a room less than 14 feet square, 3 on camp cots, Priestwood herself on a doubled-up quilt, the rest on mattresses.

 

Bill Ream has spent two nights sleeping on floors, but today he's invited by the hospital staff to join them and 'help Mr. ((Frank)) Anslow with the stores and do odd jobs as they came along'. He is therefore able to move into the former Leprosarium with the other medical staff. They scrub and clean the building vigorously and then the 18 men settle in to relatively comfortable quarters.

 

Defence Secretary John Fraser enters Stanley from the Prince's Building.

 

Lewis Bush is interogated for 12 hours at St. George's Building, at that time the Kempeitai headquarters for Central/Victoria. Bush is a naval officer in the Volunteers and one of the few fluent speakers of Japanese in the British ranks - he taught for years in Japan and is married to a Japanese woman, Kanneko. The Kempeitai believe that Bush is a dangerous spy, and after the interrogation he's taken not to Shamshuipo but to Stanley.

 

Phyllis Harrop is still managing to stay uninterned:

This morning Rose ((see note)) and I walked over to Tai Koon ((one of the hotels Allied civilians were kept in before being sent to Stanley)) to see if we could obtain any first hand news of the moving of internees. On the way down Queen's Road we were stopped by a party of sentries, one of whom was very belligerent.

Rose has forgotten her pass, and, after an unplesant encounter during which Harrop fears her finger will be cut off with a bayonet to get her ring, they are forced to retreat. On the way back to the restaurant Rose and her husband are running, they pass the sentry at the corner of the Hong Kong Hotel, now Japanese military headquarters, 'except for one floor which still housed wounded soldiers and nurses'. This sentry objects to the crowds on the road and lunges at them with his bayonet to force them back:

The bayonet point went through my sleeve, narrowly missing my arm. All he did was to grin from ear to ear.

The streets are dangerous for those still allowed to walk them.

Sources:

Police: George Wright-Nooth, Prisoner of the Turnip Heads, 1994, 82, 86-88

Priestwood: Gwen Priestwood, Through Japanese Barbed Wire, 1943, 47-48

Ream: Bill Ream, Too Hot For Comfort, 1988, 37

Fraser: Constance Murray diary, p. 1 (Weston House, Oxford)

Bush: Report of Lieut. Lewis M. Bush R.N.V.R. (H.K.)

Harrop: Phyllis Harrop: Hong Kong Incident, 1943, 121

Note 1:

Bush implies that he was sent to Stanley because the Japanese thought he could do less harm there. Kaneko, who had been used by the Japanese as an interpreter in the period after the surrender, was also arrested and accused of espionage and making anti-war propaganda (the second charge was true, the first wasn't) . She was eventually sent to Japan and allowed to live with her parents, but suffered terrible harrassment from the Kempeitai and ordinary Japanese furious at her loyalty to the Allied cause.

See also http://gwulo.com/node/14388

Note 2:

'Rose Simpson': Phillip Cracknell has plausibly suggested that Harrop's friend Rose Simpson and her husband are Rose and Emil(e) Landau, the owners of the Parisian Grill at 10, Queen's Road Central. They and their staff helped her in her escape, so she had good reason to disguise their identities.


After a couple of days of chaos, an open-air meeting is called, and elections are held for the Camp Temporary Committee, which will be tasked with creating order and setting up the basic systems necessary for daily life in Stanley.

Most of those elected were merchants and businessmen, with only two officials of the former government - J. A. Fraser and H. R. Butters. Ben Wylie (SCMP) was chair. Other members include Geoffrey Herklots (HKU), D. L. Newbigging (Jardine Matheson), the Reverend Joseph Sandbach and L. R. Neilson.

 

The first meeting of the Committee is held the same day. Although Franklin Gimson is not yet interned in Stanley he manages to attend. The meeting discusses questions of sanitation and construction work and stresses the shortage of firewood.

The committee will meet almost daily. Regular subjects include the internees' hopes for repatriation of women, children, the sick and men over military age, sanitation, discipline, and the problem of food allocation to dogs.

 

Most of the British and American civilians still left on the Peak arrive at Stanley.

By general consent, the Americans are moving into a better organised situation than the British:

As soon as they arrived, the Americans were taken care of. If they did not get a room assignment immediately, they at least had a temporary one before nightfall. Unfortunately, the British were not as organized. When they arrived, they had absolutely no idea of where to go.

Sources:

Elections: Geoffrey Emerson, Hong Kong Internment, 2008, 10; http://www.iwm.org.uk/collections/item/object/80004743

Meeting and subjects for discussion: John Stericker, Captive Colony, 1945, Chapter IV, page 3; Emerson, op. cit, 60-61

Americans and British: Norman H. Briggs (cited in Tony Banham, We Shall Suffer There, 2009, entries for January 24)

Note:

The Reverend Sandbach is not on the list of Temporary Committee members provided by Alan Birch, and nor is 'Larry Grayson', another figure he mentions - this is probably a misremembering of L. R. Nielson. However, Barbara Anslow seems to confirm his membersip of the Camp Council in 1945:

https://groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups/stanley_camp/conversations/messages/1030

As well as those in the entry above, the members listed by Birch are D. N. Blake (solicitor), A. E. Nobbins (merchant)Dr. Uttley and Dr. Pope. The committee appointed a quartermaster (at some point this was W. J. Anderson) and a Treasurer. The Chief Justice (Atholl MacGregor) acted as Accommodation Officer.

G. B. Endacott and Alan Birch, Hong Kong Eclipse, 1978, 351


More of the people living on the Peak are sent into Stanley.

 

The Protestant denominations in Camp agree it would be 'ridiculous' to hold separate church services:

On the very first Sunday there was a United Communion or Eucharist at 9.00 a.m. with worship services at 11.30 a.m. and 3.30 p.m.

Source:

Peak: Phyllis Harrop, Hong Kong Incident, 1944, 125

Services: Bill Ream, Too Hot For Comfort, 1988, 52

Note:

There are about 400 Catholics in Stanley and they hold their own services. So do the Christian Scientists.


American missionaries Robert and Helen Hammond and their family (their baby Edith, Mrs. Hammond's parents, Albert and Rose Reiton and their younger daughter Esther) have been hiding in a Kowloon flat. Eventually they write a letter asking the authorities to arrange for their internment. After 46 days they see the first Japanese enter their home: a general and his interpreter. After expressing his amazement that they have passed so long without being looted, the general tells them, to be ready the next day.

 

The Temporary Committee meets again, and once more Franklin Gimson is in attendance, announcing that he's received a visit from the Major-General in charge of Civil Administration who would be glad to receive applications from those who wished to resume 'normal duties in certain types of work.' At this stage the Japanese seem to be willing to allow 'essential workers' to help them run Hong Kong, and there are about 100 men, women and children currently 'out' and active - but few people are to leave Stanley in this way in the future.

 

By this date a Camp canteen, for the sale of extra rations, has been proposed and agreed by the Japanese. But it will be some time before it actually exists.

Sources:

Hammonds: Robert Hammond, Bondservants of the Japanese, 1957 (originally 1942), 48-49

Temporary Committee: John Stericker, Captive Colony, 1945, Chapter iv, page 4

Canteen: G. B. Endacott and Alan Birch, Hong Kong Eclipse, 203


The first birth in Stanley Camp: Elizabeth Ann to Mrs. M.  E. Joffe.

 

And what's probably the first wedding: Amy Matilda May Eliza Halliday, a nursing sister with the Hong Kong Medical Department, marries Alexander McGregor Mitchell, a Prison Officer. The ceremony was conducted by Alaric Rose, formerly the Chaplain-in-Charge of St John's Cathedral, and the witnesses were W. H. P. ('Crumb') Chattey, Ivy Morgan and Dr. Sterling Tomlinson.

 

The Hammonds and Reitons arrive in Stanley, putting paid to the rumour that all the China Peniel Mission missionaries have been killed.

 

At a meeting of the Temporary Committee, Franklin Gimson states that a list of prisoners of war in Kowloon camps is available. This list, apparently provided by the Japanese, turns out to be incomplete and inaccurate.

 

A meeting of the British and American Protestant clergy is held and a committee elected. Frank Short becomes chairman, and Dr. Shoop, an American missionary, his deputy. Harry Wittenbach and Bill Ream are joint treasurers and there are six other members.

 

Phyllis Harrop is preparing her escape from Hong Kong. On a trip along Connaught Rd. to the Wing Lok wharf, where she hopes to find out how to get a ferry passage to Macao, she sees some distressing sights:

...I saw a Chinaman being beaten up with a heavy bamboo pole by a couple of Jap sentries. Past the harbour office I saw an old woman being dragged along by her hair. Another younger woman I saw pushed down into a pool of water and sat upon. Further down an old man was also being used as a seat.

When we reached Wing Lok wharf two men were thrown into the harbour, and another being beaten was screaming his head off. He soon followed the other two into the water. I felt sick with it all, so helpless.

Sources:

Birth: China Mail, September 15, 1945, page 3 (the daughter's initials are given as E. A. by this source but as E.N. by the Stanley Roll.)

Wedding: Greg Leck, Captives of Empire, 2006, 62; Geoffrey Emerson, Hong Kong Internment, 2008, Additional Appendix 1

Hammonds: Robert Hammond, Bondservants of the Japanese, 1957 (originally 1942), 55

Gimson: Geoffrey Emerson, Hong Kong Internment, 1973, 52

Protestants: Bill Ream, Too Hot For Comfort, 1998, 52

Phyllis Harrop, Hong Kong Incident, 1944, 130-131

Note: a photo of Ms. Joffe taken soon after liberation can be seen at:

http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/26155499?searchTerm=&searchLimits=l-publictag=Stanley+internment+camp


The Temporary Committee elects a four member canteen sub-committee, and a canteen is opened within the week. It's a small shop with high prices located at Japanese Headquarters and run by the Chinese superintendent, Mr. Cheng Kwokleung. The internees suspect Mr. Cheng of being interested only in makiing money, so they propose to the Japanese the formation of a proper canteen

 

 

Phyllis Harrop gets up at 7 a.m., boards a boat for Macao at the Wing Lok wharf and sets sail at about 8.45 a.m.  At  2 p.m. a Japanese motor patrol vessel appears, but doesn't board them.  She arrives safely and, after various meetings, including one with the Governor , Gabriel Mauricio Teixeira, she returns to her hotel, The Riviera, to have her first bath since December 7. She ends the day having dinner at the British Consulate.

Sources:

Canteen: Geoffrey Emerson, Hong Kong Internment, 1973, 109-110

Harrop: Phyllis Harrop, Hong Kong Incident, 1944, 133-140