BAAG Reports and Weekly Intelligence Summaries: View pages

Condensed Report on Medical Examination, completed
September 1943, Stanley Camp, by Panel Government
Doctors and Private Practitioners.

 

Number Internees - 2572 Approximately 50 per cent women,
children of mixed nationalities and
races.
  1038 Men examined. Out of these none
is known to have been ailing
before internment

 

Findings:

There are only five percent (0.5%) ((sic.)) fit men if judged by pre-interment standards. It is doubtful if anyone would pass a severe medical test such as for Pilot's License B. Sixty-five percent of these men are fairly good (camp standard of classification). Thirty five percent fair to poor health.

The average loss of weight throughout is 27 pounds or 16.6%. This includes a further loss of weight of 4.2 pounds or 2.5% since July 1942. One hundred thirty one(12.7%) have Vitamin B deficiency. Two hundred twelve (20.4%) have Vitamin B2 deficiency.

The women are looking better, judged by externals, than the men. This is thought to have physiological significance. The men are walking skeletons, pitiful to see. The adolescents of both sexes are not developing. Nothing specifically characteristic but all go down with malaria, dysentery, boils and general malnutrition symptoms.

Figures - 1942         Figures 1943 to end of August

Malaria           143                     213
Malnutrition  1040                   1460
Dysentery      410                       65
Typhoid             4                         1
Tuberculosis    35                       11

Malnutrition figures include 250 beriberi (1942), 35 beriberi (1943), 84 central nerve blindness (1943).

Hospital described by Japanese camp superintendent as "very un-modern" is three story brick building formerly Indian prison guards' quarters - stripped of everything - it can accommodate 70 patients. Always filled. No conveniences of any sort for personnel who live in overcrowded dormitory and are doing fine work under grimmest possible conditions. Surgeons have done some amazing operations in blackouts with torches to light their work.

All drugs, equipment (1942) provided by Dr Percy Selwyn-Clarke DMS, now incarcerated in the prison for whose devotion to duty and noble work no praise can be enough. International Red Cross Delegate, Zindel, has taken Selwyn-Clarke's work in hand since his imprisonment since when all have felt the draught.

Patients are all lumped together, only sex segregation possible. New babies brought into the world beside dying TB patients. Typhoid nursed in bed next severe dysentery. When the latter becomes slightly epidemic in camp, dysentery patients are put on the floor awaiting emptying of other beds. Beds are iron (India quarters) or camp beds. Vaccines only supplied by Japanese until recent death following anæsthetic when they agreed to supply oxygen. Drugs are getting scarce and prophylactic measures will soon cease. No laboratory facilities and since Selwyn-Clarke left French Hospital , Hong Kong, there have not been any permits issued for X-ray visits to town.

Malaria is on the increase. June (1943) 44, July 50, august 71 cases. Japanese withdrew their permission to allow anti-malarial parties from the camp to work the swamps outside barbed-wire and have done nothing to alleviate the condition themselves. No larvicides. There are 1,400 internees without mosquito nets, although continual representation have been made to Japanese and IRC delegate, Zindel. Thank God there has been no epidemic. It would be a calamity in view of overcrowding (in hospital in general) debility and lack of all supplies.

We are protected by regulation vaccinations against smallpox, typhoid and cholera. As most of the symptoms which the medical men encounter have resulted from causes hitherto unprecedented, it is difficult for them to prejudge their seriousness or if they will be permanent.

This blindness and its after-effects cannot possibly be judged as it is also unprecedented, except in such circumstances as the present. In conclusion it is due to De Percy Selwyn-Clarke that we are even as we are today for, with the exception of six gallons of disinfectants supplied by the Japanese, he has, from his own stores at the French Hospital, supplied soap, bedding, utensils tools, milk, food and bread throughout 1942 and far into 1943. Now Delegate Zindel is doing the minimum for us. He should be replaced. A visit from representative of Swiss Embassy, Tokyo, is long overdue.

Deaths in 1942 were 30 persons. In 1943, to end of August, 31 persons. The birthrate is keeping up rather miraculously!

The cemetery is kept up by volunteer labor grave diggers (Hong Kong Police, headed by Inspector CID) who have done all burials including many half-buried, killed in action since first death 1942. There is one false-bottomed communal coffin made from middle part of a three-compartment wardrobe, bodies are buried in winding sheets made of old sacks. Japanese presented one pukka coffin for burial of American Vice-Consul Engdahl. Never since.

Housing:

Stanley camp (50 acres, all barbed-wire in) European and Asiatic prison warders' quarters, dormitories, classrooms. Floor space per head 40 square feet. Most everything was removed by the looters - many rooms remain empty except for camp beds and improvised necessities. In 1942 many slept on concrete floors; some are still. 1943 - most people have acquired some sort of bed. There are NO common rooms. Families, sexes, races, married couples with young girls, all live higgeldy-piggedly with amazing psychological results and reactions - nervous strain immeasurable. The gross overcrowding dangerous point of view epidemic. Sir Arthur Blackburn, British Embassy, Chungking, lived in a room with nine others. Consequences to his and Lady Blackburn's health and nerves were such that doctors caused billeting officers to billet them elsewhere. A few quarters where whole families dwell unfit habitation - blitzed rooms leaking roofs, etc.

Electric lighting, toilets, washing facilities are fair to medium. Water mains, supply, unpurified source. Boiled and chlorinated in camp. No hot water for washing or bathing. No soap or toilet paper supplied by the Japanese. Bugs prevalent and increasing. Lice, rare. Personal hygiene and general appearance and morale medium to good. Some remarkable exceptions.

School - 150 attend.

Food:

Very poor. Going from bad to worse in quantity and quality. Hattori, number one Foreign Affairs Department, late Charge d'Affaires, Melbourne and before that at Washington, states flour situation acute and awaits aggravation rice problems.

Rations now provided quantitative basis. Beef, 400 catties (catty equals 1 1/3 pounds) four times weekly. Fish, 650 catties twice weekly. One meatless day.

Although Japanese held out hope of greater quantities to begin in August last, receipt substantially less and quality getting worse.

Vegetables - (Water spinach 1 ounce, sweet potatoes, gourds, and few bean sprouts) 800 catties plus 200 extra on meatless days. In ordinary times, water spinach is generally kept for pigs.

Daily rice - 8 ounces per head. Flour (dead, full of weevils and maggots) 4 ounces. Salt, 1/3 ounce. Sugar, 1/4 ounce. Oil, 1/5 ounce. No tea, no coffee, ever. Beef, water buffalo (suspected many times old horse): cuts to great waste, poorest quality. Fish, cheapest, i.e. horse-mackerel and conger eel; although we live on shores of a great fishing ground the ration is often condemned by doctors and camp goes without.

The following figures show total calories and grammes protein from February 1942 to end of August 1943 [sic]:

Month Calories Grms, Protein Calories Grms. Protein
January Nil Nil 1926 58.43
February 1341 43.80 1976 65.13
March 1430 45.44 1356 42.11
April 1710 52.49 1368 41.53
May 2073 59.95 1581 47.10
June 2113 60.81 1606 43.15
July 2080 57.84 1564 44.34
August 2221 60.25 1576 43.11
September 2139 60.20    
October 2056 59.24    
November 1939 56.60    
December 1822 55.41    

Totally inadequate even for sedentary work. Results in health obvious.

International Red Cross parcels, November 1942, are exhausted with no immediate (although promises of) relief in sight.

Last IRC stores were greatly reduced owing to certain lines having been tapped i.e. oats, powdered milk, and there is no guarantee that this will not happen again in a greater degree.

Of the foodstuffs ex Kamakura Maru each internee in Stanley received the following: Cocoa 1 1/2 pounds, dried fruits 3 1/2 pounds, sugar 20 pounds, tea 2 pounds, meat and vegetable 13 tins (1 pound), corned beef 2 tins (8 ounce), Red Cross Parcels 1 3/4 each. Caramels (Vitamin A) 1 pound.

As all wearing apparel was marked (with few exceptions ) "Made in Hong Kong" and were Chinese sizes and therefore quite unsuitable, it is the assumption that British woven goods also found themselves in other hands. There is no way now of supplementing the rations. Up-to-date internees have received five allowances of approximately MY 25 per head. Food supplies in town are decreasing, prices are soaring. Twelve-ounce tin of corned meat costs MY 8, Cocoa MY 33 per lb. Everything available is on the same rising ration.

Japanese supply no special rood or mil for babied or invalids. thus a diet kitchen for the sick and "under threes" is maintained from unofficial sources and a very depleted Welfare Department operates if funds or stocks allow. It is to be expected that permanent damage to health of all will result from vitamin and calcium lack and general degeneration.

Dental clinic report.

From February 1942 to August 1943. Nine thousand one hundred fifty cases seen of which 1,241 were extractions and the remainder re-constitutional. Dental condition due lack of essential diet. Receding gums and gingival troubles. Gums show tendency to become septic due lowered vitality. Preventative measures are impossible. Increasing need for extractions of permanent teeth in the young. Over 100 patients without dentures. Many others need full mouth extractions.

One of the greatest deprivations is the barbaric manner in which the Japanese handle communications between prisoner of war camps and wives, sons, fathers, mothers, daughters in Stanley. Many instances where they have refused to report a death at prisoner of war camp for more than a year. Unreasonable restrictions are imposed and idiotic censorship of subjects not bearing upon prosecution of war. Wives can get no regular word of husbands and, at time of Lisbon Maru sinking, were left in agony of mind regarding their men. Stacks of mail for Stanley internees lie at Tokyo and other places awaiting whimsical Japanese benevolence. Letters mostly take 12 to 14 months to arrive! The men who have been taken from Stanley on strange charges have been held on remand for over two months, herded in small places, food put in hands or on floor, becoming lousy awaiting "trial". Their whereabouts is not vouchsafed to the Colonial Secretary nor are the sentences or charges made known.

Ever since the tragic death of Sir Vandeleur M. Grayburn we still do not know of the nine men (Chief of Police and Assistant, Harbour Master Whant were released on pain of death if they spoke) are alive and where they are. We never see any European prisoners (including Selwyn-Clarke) any more although people on balconies hear constant agonies emanating from Prison Hospital, presumably kept for "best prisoners" (the Chinese just die, very suddenly, and get incinerated) which gives rise to rears from our men's well-being.

Concluding remark on medical report, "We are being starved. Outlook serious. Morale good although constant hunger wearing us down.

If it is Imperial (British) Government's wish that we stay here and perish, we accept that fate, provided we know that a full and true report is in the hands of Mr Churchill, Mr Eden and Lord Moyne. If, on the other hand, due to statements made in letters received, the reports are untrue or garbled, we do not feel disposed to lay waste to the lives of the wretched citizens of Hong Kong and others caught here without an effort to state our cases from the people who, although branded as "mentally unbalanced" are normal as such conditions warrant. In the event of outbreak of hostilities we would be powerless to protect ourselves and our young. But in view of the imminent repatriation of Canadians and that of Americans last year, we logically assume that Great Britain and the other dominions wish to safeguard their people and care for them as the United States and Canada cared for and are caring for theirs.

It is surprising to see reasonably fit (camp standard) men and women being in the category for immediate repatriation ahead of the sick, dying (both young and old) aged and infirm and we cannot but feel that due to reports known to have reached Whitehall and IRC Headquarters , Switzerland, being erroneous (almost rosy in hue) that our sick and dying would have been exchanged first.

On the occasion of our many appeals for additional rations, the Japanese civil authorities have stated that, in their eyes, we, as civilian internees, have no status and are not entitled to any more than the Japanese deem necessary, for our existence. Consequently, we are forced to use this irregular means of communication as all contact with the outside world is denied us and even Mr Zindel, the International Red Cross Delegate, does not seem able to inform Geneva or our Government of our true state.


Source: UK National Archive, their ref CO 980/120


(This is an example of a situation report from Jack to my father - with the original spelling! Source: Australian War Museum, their ref: AWM 2/3/6-10).

Reference Norman/1
San Fou 24th October, 1943.

To: Col. L.T. Ride, O.B.E.,
Commanding Officer, B.A.A.G., H.Q., 
Kweilin.

From: Captain G.D. Jack. B.A.A.G.

Sir,

I beg to report my arrival, here on the evening of the 22nd inst., and that I handed over the "set" to Capt. Wright the following morning. It appears to have successfully survived the vissitudes of the Journey and Capt. Wright is proceeding to arrange with local officials for its erection ana operation. In case battery charging could not conveniently be carried out in San Fou I arranged through one of General Shu's secret agents in Shui Hing (2 1/2 days journey from San Fou;, Colonel "Wong" to do so there, but this laborious and costly method fortunately, proved to be unnecessary, since Capt. Wright feels sure that the local Electric Light Works, with the manager of which he is on good terms, will be able to service them regularly and efficiently for him locally.

ITINERARY

Left Kweilin, by air for Heng Yang on 7-10-43. Left Heng Yang by night train and arrived at Kukong early in the morning of the 8-10-43. On arrival went to the B.M.M. and through the courtesy of Lt. Col. Shellam arranged to store the 7 cases (set) at his Headquarters during the period of my stay in Kukong. Finding it more convenient from many points of view to live in Town, 1 accepted Mr. Bathurst's kind invitation to stay in his mess. I slept in Commander Davis's quarters. Both these gentlemen were most courtesies and helpful.

My first duty was to contact Mr. Wong and to negotiate for the purchase of the "merchandise" as arranged. This was successfully completed in time to hand them over to Major Williamson for convenyance,"safe hand", to Kweilin, where I trust they were found to be up to specification on arrival, haying neither the time nor facilities for more than a cursury and, therefore, superficial examination in Kukong. The necessity for speed rather handicapped the negotiations so far as price was concerned and I had to pay at least $15,000 more than was absolutely necessary had there been adequate time. Mr. "Wong" in a somewhat "shame-faced" fashion attempted to bribe to the extent of $10,000, which, in the first instance he suggested might be added to the price, but later most "generously" offered it out of his own share, as a "patriotic" gesture.


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Falling this, he then brought an armful of presents as a "face-saving" expedient of which after much argument a small box of cigars waa accepted for the sake of future possible "relations" with this Bandit and which were presented to the mess. There were no casualties up to the time of my departure, although Sedgewick suspected the presence of a possible "time bomb", I think - judging from the suspicious manner in which we treated his share of the loot i.e. the first cigar. as already reported, Wong will probably offer the $10,000 to Mr. Ming Chung who will accept it and return it to us according to a previous arrangement.

Wong anticipates being able to procure further supplies of similar material, as well as other documents of Enemy origin and the way has been left open for future negotiations.

As soon us the above matter had been attended to I called on General Chu and Colonel Sha, (acting chief of 7th Group Army Intelligence) presenting the letters of introduction provided by the Marshal and General Shu in Kweilin. Both General Chu and Colonel Sha were most cordial and helpful and promised every facility and assistance. From previous opinions freely expressed by local foreign celebrities in Kukong, I was quite prepared for lavish promises but little action, even the latter only after much grudging procrastination, but have pleasure in reporting my fears to have been absolutely and entirely unjustified. Lavish promises were indeed made, but they were all carried out to the "letter". 10 letters of introduction to leading Military Commanders and Formations within the 7th War zone were provided all couched in similar terms, viz:- that under instructions from the Military Council, Kweilin, I, as member of the B.a.a.G. and charged with the duty of facilitating the escape of Allied Prisoners-of-war from Enemy occupied territory, as well as certain associated activities, was to be afforded every facility and assistance by all Front Line officers and Formations. That I was to be allowed full freedom of movement and to go everywhere even in forward areas where ever my duties might call me. The instructions ware clear concise and provided for no exceptions and imposed no conditions whatsoever. They have been most consistently adhered to on the part of all recipients to date, and nothing but cordiality and cooperation has been experienced en route so far. Telegrams were also despatched to the Commanders and Vice Commanders of the 64 Army, Shiu Hing (??) commanded General Chan Kung Hop (???) and 35th Army, Tuk Hing (??) commanded by General Teng Loong Kong (???) and to 159th
Division, Ching Yuen (??) commanded by General Lan (???) and 156th Division, Ssu Hui (??) commanded by General Teng Loong Kong as well as to General Yuen Tai (??) (the famous Guerilla Commander) at Sha Ping and Generaal ?l Mou Chi (???) at San Fou ??. A number of private letters and inscribed visiting cards to other important people, principally members of Chinese military Intelligence Formations were also provided. This number gradually has been added to en route and at nearly every important point additional introductions have been forthcoming. A full report on the


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Chinese Military Formations above mentioned will be submitted when time permits, and fuller information is gained than was possible when merely passing through the various Headquarters.

There appears to be no doubt that the 7th Group Headquarters as a whole, and, of course, General Chu in particular are most favourably disposed to the B.A.A.G. The latter both in his office as well as on more than one social occasion openly expressed his personal firmly established friendship with Colonel Ride, and besides referring to him as his Teacher he much appreciated having been asked to lunch at B.A.A.G. Headquarters during his short stay in Kweilin. He said this was a great honour.

Unfortunately the incidence of the "Double Tenth" and the absence of Colonel She owing to sickness delayed me, for one or two days, and it was not until the evening of the 12th October that all the letters of introduction were ready. I left Kukong early on the morning of the 13th October.

The journey to Ching Yuen by boat occupied 3 days and this part is rather a waste cf time. The river is now sluggish and progress alow. This journey is possible by bicycle and should only occupy one day instead of three. We heard en route that reconstruction work on the Kukong and Ching Yuen section (the major part of it at least), of the old railway to Canton is iminent. This Information was also gleaned from 7th War Zone Headquarters. Some signs of activity, such as stone deposits for ballasting purposes, workmen employed on or near existing and/or partially destroyed bridges and culverts were observed.

We arrived at Ching Yuen at 3 p.m. on 15th October (the town had been somewhat severely bombed the previous afternoon) and called at once at Military Headquarters (159th Division). We found General Lau to be absent at 35th Army Headquarters (Tuk Hing) (??) attending a conference there connected with, it was hinted, "impending operations". The vice Commander, Major General Lau Chan Hsiang (???) received most cordially (having already received a telegram from KuKong), enquired about my plans and offered every possible assistance. His Chief-of-Staff, Colonel Hong (????) was most interested in Prisoners-
of-war, he said and offered to send me up-tho-line to consult with "Brigade" and Batallion Headquarters as to disposal of possible escapees as well as to consult with Guerillas as to methods for facilitating such escapes. He appeared to be rather disappointed that I had no time to spare for this purpose. It was arranged that on a subsequent visit, a scheme would be discussed and put into operation. The Mayor of the Town ("General" Cheung ???) gave a public dinner in the evening, attended by "all leading Military and Civil officials, Kuo Min Tang, Chamber of Commerce, Youth Movement (both sexes) &c. &.c. 50 guests were present. It was a tea total affair. Speeches were interminably long, but most cordial, and pro-British sentiments were freely (apparently sincerely) expressed. The vice-Commandor in a private "aside" requested you to station a representative of the B.A.A.G. at Ching Yuen and promised a quota of escapees per month.

We left at day break the next morning (16th Oct.)


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by road via Taiping (bombed 2 days before and a bit knocked about), reaching Sam Hang (??) that evening where we were again hospitably entertained our hosts on this occasion consisting of bugs, flies and mosquitoes. Leaving at daybreak (and glad to do so) on the 17th October, we reached SsU Hui (??) in the early evening. This is the Headquarters of the 156 Division, commanded by General Teng, also absent at the 35th Army Headquarters (Tuk Hing), We found that accommodation, very difficult to procure for late arrivals in this busy market centre, had been reserved for us at a reasonably good Inn by the Ching Yuen Military. The Chief-of-Staff and Vice Commander of the 156 Division were all stationed some distance from Town (bombing raids are frequent) but the "adjutants" (Col. Poon) called and invited us to dinner attended by a crowed of military officers, inducting the Chief-of-staff, Major General Wong Ping Sha (his real rank is Colonel I suspect - but being the senior officer present they called him General), he did not object. This was not a tea total affair and was most hectic. The 156 Division appear to be a bunch of fire eaters, (possibly under the influence of the fire-water provided), who have as opposite numbers the Japanese ??? Division (alleged to be one of those attacking Hongkong, now stationed at Sam Sui (??), Ma Fong (??), Canton &c. &c.

Photographs ware produced shewing the large quantities of war material captured from that Division by the l56th during the past two years. This comprised one field gun., one anti-aircraft gun, 3 or 4 mortars, 50/60 machine guns of various calibres numerous rifles, hand-grenades, helmets, large stocks of ammunition and a mass of smaller utensils such as wire-cutters, gloves, gas-masks &c. &c. The photos were not old and were all taken by a photographer at Ssu Hui. Their latest exploit, only one month old, was stated to be in collaberation with Guerillas who created a diversion in the rear of a Japanese outpost near Sam Shui (??) while the troops attacked on two flanks, bye-passed the strong point and they took it from the rear, according to their own cir-cumstential accounts. The bag was a good one they said. On the subject of prisoners however they were silent. I take the Divisional Motto to be - No prisoners. This connection is a most promising one, and on a subsequent visit, relations can, no doubt, be further cemented.

On the morning of 18th Oct. we left Ssu Hui and arrived at Shui Hing at about 7 p.m. Here rooms had again been reserved for us in the Shiu Hing Hotel by telephone from Ssu Hui Military Headquarters. Shui Hing is the Headquarters of the 64th Army, commanded by General Teng Loon Kong (???) who was also absent at the conference. The Vice-Commander was visited at his Headquarters, who, after the usual exchange of compliments promised every assistance in our work if and when required. This connection, which more or less controls Military affairs in our proposed sector must be developed later.

General Shu in Kweilin gave me a letter of introduction to Col. Wong Yi Ping (???), who is the Kweilin Pan Kung Ting Intelligence representative in Shui Hing and Sha Ping Areas. Col. Wong states that he has had extensive associations with British Intelligence Officers in the past in Singapore and Penang, that he has been in New Delhi and Calcutta and


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that he is well known to our Intelligence as "Major Wong" of the Chinese Army Intelligence (Laison Section). Col. Wong was most friendly and helpful and has promised every assistance in future. I have arranged to visit Sha Ping in company with him on an early convenient occasion. He stated General Yuen Tai, the Guerilla Leader, is his personal friend and "subordinate" (i.e. as representative of Kweilin Military Council Intelligence) and has promised to secure his assistance in our schemes for releasing Prisoners-of-War from Canton where his men operate in considerable numbers. These promises to be become a useful connection and I propose to visit General Yuen Tai and present official letters of introduction us soon as things are running smoothly at Headquarters.

The journey from Shui Hing to San Fou was done in 2 days, by dint of travelling by boat at night over the last stage, despite universal warnings as to the (alleged) Bandit hazard. Fortunately for both parties, perhaps, they failed to put in an appearance as advertised and we arrived safely at San Fou at mid-night on the 22nd Oct. The actual travelling time was 8 days from Kukong. In emergency, a "fit" person could probably do the trip by bicycle in 4 days (possibly 3 or 3 1/2 days with luck), while a light motor-bicycle, burning alcohol could reduce the time lag between Kweilin and San Fou to a minimum and render communications between the two places a comperatively easy matter, instead of the 9 or 10 days of delay and discomfort as at present.

During the whole of the trip from Kweilin to San Fou nothing but kindness and courtesy was experienced on all sides and the name of the B.A.A.G. appears to be known and respected throughout the area - in Military and Official Circles atany rate. The same applies to San Fou, where the Officials headed by Generals Li and Chow have completely succumbed to Captain Wright's unique methods of conducting affairs
while his friendly and co-operative attitude, particularly his charitable activities, added last but not least to Capt. Li's relief work in Toi Shan and adjacent districts (congee kitchens &c.) may prove, in fact I am convinced they will do so, most valuable assets from the point-of-view of British pestige in the future. I also feel sure that if and when British operational activities are contemplated in this area, especially if conducted under the aegis of the B.A.A.G., they may be expected to be relieved of most if not all of the disconcerting uncooperative attitude and even hostility, which one hears have been experienced in other parts of China in the not too distant past. Using the chain: Military Council, Kweilin (particularly General Chu) and ??????? 7th Group Headquarters, Kukong, (particularly General Chu) and the various formations mentioned above, from whom progressively cordial cooperation may be expected as the initial contacts are developed, the potentialities for successful Allied action in this area appear to be considerable.

(Signature: Geo. Jack)
Captain,
B.A.A.G.
 


The following document is courtesy of Elizabeth Ride. It is the post-war translation of the Japanese court's summary of their proceedings on 19th October, 1943, when they sentenced several people to death. The text "T.N." appears, which I believe means "Translator's note".


SECRET

EXTRACTS FROM WEEKLY INTELLIGENCE REPORT NO.4 
FROM
STAFF OFFICER (INTELLIGENCE) HONGKONG

TRANSLATION OF CAPTURED JAPANESE DOCUMENTS, ITEM 29

Judgement

Domicile: CANTON province, CHUNGSHAN Prefecture, PAKSHAN District.
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, East Ward, Lockhart Street,No.39.
Chinese YOUNG SHO-DUCK, age 37 years
   
Domicile: CANTON Province, CHUNGSHAN SHEIK City.
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, Middle Ward, Middle Maiji St., No.10. Chinese CHENG YAT, age 27 years.
   
Domicile: PORTUGAL
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, East Ward, Wanchai Rd.,No.197 Portuguese. William John WHITE, age 40 years.
   
Domicile: PORTUGAL.
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, "Ching Yip" Pass, Shank-Kwong Rd. No. 14. Portuguese, Luis Carlos Rosario SUZA, age 48 years.
   
Domicile: ENGLAND,
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, East Ward, East Meiji Street, British. Alexander KURISUCHISHINTON (In transliteration
from orignal, possibly Christy SHINTON), age 48 years.
   
Domicile: CANTON Province FAYUAN Che-to Village.
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, Middle Ward, Wellington St,No.10. Chinese, LEONG HUNG, Age 31 years.
   
Domicile: ENGLAND
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, Stanley Prison. British. Frederick Ivan George HALL. Age 28 years,
   
Domicile: ENGLAND.
Residence: HONGKONG, H0NGKONG Area, Stanley Prison. British, BRADLEY, Ago 50 years.
   
Domicile: ENGLAND.
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, Stanley Prison.
British. Douglas William/WATERTON. Age 42 years.
   
Domicile: ENGLAND
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, Stanley Prison, British, Walter Richardson SCOTT, age 44.
   
Domicile: ENGLAND.
Residence: HONGKONG,HONGKONG Area, Stanley Prison. British. Hubert Stanley REES, age 43 years.
   
Domicile: ENGLAND.
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, Stanley Prison. British. John Alexander FRAZER. AGE 47.
   
Domicile: ENGLAND.
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, Stanley Prison.
British, Frank ROBERT. Age 38.
   
Domicile: ENGLAND.
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, Stanley Prison. British, William John ANDERSON.
   
Domicile: ENGLAND
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, Stanley Prison. British, James Leslie ANDERSON, Age 30 years.
   
Domicile: CANTON Province, Toi-Shan,
Residence: HONGKONG, KOWLOON Area, Nga Sin Wai Hoad, No.60. Chinese, YAN CHEUK MING. Age 44 years.
   
Domicile: CANTON PRovince, Po-An,
Residence: HONGKONG, KOWLOON Area, Nga Sin Wai Road, No. 122, Chinese. CHEUNG YUNG SAM. Age 23 years.
   
Domicile: CANTON Province, Sun-Wei, Shin Dong Village
Residence: HONGKONG, KOWLOON Area, Fook Chor Chuen Rd. No.35. Chinese, LUK CHING KIT. Age 28 years.
   
Domicile: HONGKONG. New Territories,
Residence: As above,
Chinese, HO YAU, Age 19 years,
   
Domicile: CANTON Province. Tsingyun City
Residence: HONGKONG, KOWLOON Area, Mongkok, Sai Yeung Choi St.No.46. Chinese. LEE LAM, Age 38 years,
   
Domicile: CANTON Province. Shun Tak, Tai Mun Village.
Residence: HONGKONG, KOWLOON Area, Fa Yuen St.No. 104?Chinese. LEE HUNG HOI, Age 30 years.
   
Domicile: CANTON Province, Tamshui.
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, East Ward, Lockhart Rd. No.289. Chinese (female), LAU TAK OI. Age 33 years.
   
Domicile: CANTON Province. PO ON, Namtau, West Village,
Residence: HONGKONG Area, East Ward, Lockhart Road, No.39. Chinese (female) CHAN WAI CHI. Age 31 years.
   
Domicile: CANTON Province. PUN-U District, Shek Lan Village.
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, "Ching Yip” Pass Mui Hing St, No.2. Chinese. CHAN PING FUN. Age 44 years.
   
Domicile: CANTON Province. PO-ON, Hok Pu Yuen.
Residence: HONGKONG, HONGKONG Area, "Chong Chin” Ward. Chinese. LAU TAK KWONG. Age 38 years.

 The Court-Martial in the matter of the notification of the infringement of martial law concerning the above 25 persons, public prosecutor Army Legal Branch Major FORUKI, Kazuo participating, completed the examination and entered judgment as follows:-

Text

The said YOUNG SHO-DUCK, CHENG YAT, William John WHITE, Alexander Christy SHINTON, LEONG HUNG, Frederick Ivan George HALL, BRADLEY, Douglas William WATERTON, Hubert Stanley REES, Walter Richardson SCOTT, John Alexander FRAZER, CHEUNG YUNG SAM, LUK CHUNG KIT, LEE LAM, YAN CHEUK MING, LEE HUNG HOI, LAU TAK OI, CHAN PING FUN and LAU TAK KWONG were all condemned to death.

The said Luis Carlos Rosario SUZA, Frank ROBERT, William John ANDERSON, James Leslie ANDERSON, HO YAU and CHAN WAI CHI were all severally condemned to 15 years imprisonment.

Grounds

After the outbreak of the Great East Asia War December 1941 the Imperial Army occupied HONGKONG. The British organisation at SHIU KWAN (KUKONG) directed its main attention to operations against Hongkong.  Public servants of the former HONGKONG British Government, etc, directing the British organisation at WAICHOW, occupied themselves in anti-Japanese espionage operations and operations to win over powerful elements in the hinterland.

In June 1942, TS'O TSUN ON, the Superintendent of the Police Reserve Force of the former HONGKONG Government, in addition to consulting with LOIE FOOK WING (TN alias DAVID LOIE), the assistant Superintendent of the same Force (who committed suicide at the time of his arrest on 31st May 1943), was in touch with the British Organisation at SHIU KWAN, had to gather and communicate various intelligence regarding the military situation etc. of the Imperial Army in HONGKONG, the conditions being the guarantee of the life of the Reserve Police Chief at Waichow.  He gained approval for these proposed objects.  

Superintendent T'SO TSUN ON announced these objects to LOIE FOOK WING, and the latter, from about the end of 1942, set up the beginnings of the constitution of the HONGKONG Command Post, and anti-HONGKONG espionage group connected with England, comprising a large number of police officers.

It began to operate about March 1943.  Acting under orders from the British oganisation agents were sent to gather information concerning important military installations etc, and report om what they discovered. Their operations finally extended to the P.O.W. Camp at HONGKONG and to the Internment Camp for enemy aliens.  

Before the war, the accused YEUNG SAU TAK was employed as a draughtsman at the British Naval Dockyard, and after the fall of HONGKONG he continued to work in the same capacity for 2 Engineering sections of the Japanese Navy.  Out wardly he was pro-Japanese, but actually his thoughts were violently anti-Japanese.  About October 1942 he was approached by LOIE FOOK WING and requested to assist in forming a spy organisation.  He agreed to do this and became active in the work.  In March 1943 he undertook espionage work under the orders of LOIE FOOK WING.  From then until the end of April he on several occasions stole secret documents of a military nature from the Planning Room of the shipbuilding Section of 2 Engineering Sections, where he worked, copied them in secret ink and gave the copies to intermedians for transmission to the British organisation at WAICHOW.  Furthermore, acting on orders from LOIE FOOK WING, he set up a radio apparatus in his room in the dormitory of the said Engineering Section at 39 Lockhart Road, HONGKONG Bay with the object of establishing radio communication between HONGKONG and WAICHOW.

The accused CHEUNG YUET was a member of the former Reserve Police Force.  After the fall of HONGKONG, he worked as assistant manager of the FUNG LOI KOK () Wine Shop and the KYOYO Hotel in HONGKONG.  About the middle of March 1943 he was requested by LOIE FOOK WING to undertake espionage work for the British organization in China.  He agreed to do this, and thereafter on several occasions he investigated and made reports on the importation of food and other supplies, and on the distribution of these commodities, as well as on such topics as the nature of the personnel employed by the HONGKONG Harbour Department.
 
The accused  William John WHITE was employed as a chauffeur and mechanic by the Public Health Section of the Governor General’s Department after the capture of HONGKONG by the Japanese.  In 1943 he was contacted by LOIE FOOK WING, whom he already knew, and urged to co-operate in espionage on behalf of the British organisation in China.  He agreed to this and set up a wireless post in his own house at 97 Wanchai Road, HONGKONG.  From February to May 1943 he several times received orders for LOIE FOOK WING from the British organisation at WAICHOW and passed them on to him.  At the beginning of May of the same year he made a report to LOIE FOOK WING on the organisation of the Public Health Section of the Governor General’s Department.  He was also instructed by LOIE FOOK WING to get into secret contact with the STANLEY Enemy Aliens Internment Camp. Through the intermediation of an Englishman named "SHINTON" who was employed by the Public Health Department, he was able to make use of LEUNG HUNG, the head coolie of the truck which brought supplies to the camp.  He was thus able to maintain liaison between the camp and the British organisation at WAICHOW, getting in messages to the former HONGKONG Government Police superintendent EVANS and the Police Chief SCOTT.  From December 42, when requested by the accused SOUZA, who was employed in the liquidation of the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank to listen for the London broadcasts, he did secretly listen to the said broadcasts and report on them.

The accused LUIS CARLOS ROZARIO SOUZA was an employee of the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank and after the fall of HONGKONG he was employed in the liquidation of the Bank.  In November 1942 he was asked by an Englishman HYDE, also employed in the liquidation of the Bank, to assist in devising short wave reception methods, and he agreed to do this, knowing full well it was strictly forbidden by the Japanese Army.  He made a request to the accused William John WHITE, who was a friend of his, and from December 1942 to April 1943 he secretly listened to short wave broadcasts from London and other places, and reported them to HYDE.  

The accused Alexander Christy SHINTON worked in the Public Health Section of the Governor-General’s Department after the fall of HONGKONG.  He made contact with LEUNG HUNG, head coolie of the truck taking supplies to STANLEY Internment Camp, and through him between February 1942 and April 1943 he sent between ten and twenty secret messages to an acquaintance of his named BRADLEY in the Internment Camp.  About this time William John WHITE asked him if he would assist him to get messages into the Camp.  He agreed to do this, and, again through LEUNG HUNG, got secret messages through to the camp and handed to the accused EVANS and others.

The accused LEUNG HUNG was employed by the Governor General’s Department, and worked as head coolie of the truck taking supplies into the Internment Camp. About December 1942, he was approached by SHINTON and asked to convey articles into the Internment Camp. He agreed to do this, although he knew that permission from Japanese officials was necessary.  By June 43 he had taken several messages and sums of money addressed to BRADLEY through HALL, who was also in the Internment Camp. In April 43 he was asked by SHINTON to convey important documents through the same channels. He agreed to do this, and duly delivered the documents.

The accused Frederick Ivan George HALL was a butcher, and was interned after the Japanese took HONGKONG.  He was put in charge of provisions and thus had opportunities of of contacting the Chinese LEUNG HUNG, a coolie employed by the Governor-General's Department.  From January 1943 to the beginning of July of the same year on about ten to twenty occasions, he secretly introduced or sent out messages, knowing it to be an offence to send out or receive any article without the permission of the appropriate authority.  About April of that year, LEUNG HUNG at the instance of LOIE FOOK WING asked him to deliver to the addresses important secret papers from the British organization of WAICHOW, and this he duly did on every occasion knowing full well the nature of the papers he was handling.  In June of the same year, in the same camp, he was asked to deliver a secret document from Anderson about W.T. code from LOIE FOOK WING addressed to FRASER, Chief of Police of the former HONGKONG Government.

The accused BRADLEY was the Chief of the Public Health Department of the former HONGKONG Government, and was interned after the fall of HONGKONG.  Although he knew it was forbidden to introduce articles into the camp, or send them out without the permission of the appropriate official, he nevertheless made use of the accused LEUNG HUNG on about ten occasions to exchange messages with the accused SHINTON between March and June 1943.  In April of that year he was asked by the accused HALL to hand to the former police chief SCOTT a message concerning W.T. code from the British organization in WAICHOW, which LOIE FOOK WING was getting in through SHINTON.  Knowing quite well the import of what he was doing, he agreed to this and some days later delivered the message to SCOTT.

The accused Douglas William WATERTON was a wireless technician employed by the former HONGKONG Government, and was interned after the fall of HONGKONG.  While in the camp he heard that the accused Robert had a secret radio set, which he and the accused Rees forced him to hand over.  It was used on the instructions of FRASER, the representative of the English in the camp, from April 42 to June 43 to listen to broadcasts from London and other places, which were reported to FRASER.  In May 1942, the accused FRASER got a certain American (since returned to America by exchange), who was also in the camp, to get a W.T. receiving set brought in.  In April 43 a letter from the British organization in WAICHOW was introduced by HALL, concerning W.T. communication, and this was handed to FRASER.  Thereafter, wireless was established between the Internment Camp and the British organization.

The accused Robert Stanley REES was employed as a technician on the HONGKONG Undersea Cable before the war and was interned when HONGKONG fell.  As explained above, he and the accused WATERTON obtained a radio from ROBERT, listened to  broadcasts from London and other places, and reported to FRASER.   About April 43, acting on FRASER's orders they tried to establish communication with WAICHOW.  

The accused Walter Richardson SCOTT was chief of police, HONGKONG, before the war, and was interned when HONGKONG fell.  In April 43 when the former Assistant Superintendent of Reserve Police Force LOIE FOOK WING secretly sent him a document concerning the establishment of Radio communication between the Internment Camp and the British organization at WAICHOW,  he did his best to achieve this, in co-operation with FRASER.

The accused Walter John FRAZER was a major on the reserve list and was Assistant Public Prosecutor-General in the former HONGKONG government.  On the fall of HONGKONG he was placed in the Internment Camp, and acted as representative of the British Internees.  Up to about April 1942 he caused the accused WATERTON and REES to listen in secretly to broadcasts from London and other places on a radio set they had and to report to him on what they heard.  About May 1942 he caused a certain American (who has since returned to America on exchange) secretly to introduce a radio receiving set into the camp.  About April 1943, acting on information received from the above-mentioned LOIE FOOK WING, he conspired with SCOTT to have REES arrange a liaison between the camp and the British organization at WAICHOW.

The accused Frank ROBERT was in the Internment Camp also, and about the beginning of 1942 he discovered a radio receiving set in one of the huts in the camp.  Instead of reporting this to the officer in charge, he secretly kept it.  When WATERTON and REES demanded it, he clandestinely handed it to then, although he knew  that it was forbidden to use a radio receiver.

The accused William John ANDERSON was in the service of the former HONGKONG  Government, and was interned when HONGKONG fell to the Japanese Army.  In June 1943, he received one wireless receiving set each from the accused James Leslie ANDERSON and REES and used them to listen secretly to broadcasts from London and other places, and reported what he heard to the British Internees' representative, the former Civil Governor of HONGKONG, SIMPSON, and to others.

The accused James Leslie ANDERSON was a radio technician employed by the formeR HONGKONG Government and was interned from April 1942 onward.  In May 1942 he obtained a radio receiving set secretly from an American named WILSON, and secretly kept it.  About June 43, when requested by the accused William John ANDERSON to hand it over to him, he did so, knowing that it was to be used outshout permission for the purpose of listening in to broadcasts from London and other places.

The accused YAN CHEUK MING was employed as a clerk in the harbour department by the former HONGKONG Government and was a section leader in the Reserve Police Force.  After the fall of HONGKONG he worked as the manager of a building firm.  About April 42, he attended a meeting of former members of the Reserve Police Force  held by TSO TSUN ON and after TSO TSUN ON had gone into the interior for consultations with the British organization in the interior, he agreed.  He then collected funds to help carry on their activities, and in March 1943, he illegally went to the British organization in WAICHOW and reported on conditions in HONGKONG.  From April to June of the same year, on five or six occasions, he received documents from the British organisation in SHIU KWAN (KUKONG) via the British organization at WAICHOW for transmission Capt FORD and Lieut GREY in SHAMSHUIPO POW Camp, and to Colonel NEWNHAM in the KOWLOON Fort POW Camp.  He employed the POW Camp truck drivers LEE LAM and LEE HUNG HOI and others to deliver these messages and to bring out replies.  In this way, he strove to maintain liaison between the British organization and the POW Camps.

The accused CHEUNG YUNG SAM was a mechanic employed at KOWLOON shipbuilding yard.  He was approached about March 1943 by a near relative LUI KA YAN and requested to make a report on conditions in the shipbuilding yard.  Although he knew this involved espionage activities on behalf of the enemy, he agreed, and on several occasions investigated and reported on the personnel in the shipbuilding yard and on the ships which were undergoing repairs there. 

The accused LUK CHUNG KIT was out of work when the war broke out. About May 1942, he got to know LUI KA YAN, and when the latter went to WAICHOW to make contact with the British organization there at the end of March 1943, the accused accompanied him. LUI KA YAN later asked him to pass newspaper reports, etc. to the British organisation in WAICHOW and to receive funds for their work. He agreed to do this and secretly left the area in a fishing boat from SHATIN to carry out this mission.

The accused HO YAU worked on a fishing-boat near SHATIN and about April 43 was urged by LUI KA YAN to work with him.  Although he knew that this involved in engaging in activities on behalf of the enemy, he agreed, and between that time and June on ten to twenty different occasions carried some of the conspirators and their reports and funds.

The accused  LEE LAM was a driver for the KOWLOON Omnibus Company.  About the end of December 42 he was asked by LUI KA YAN with whom he was already acquainted, if he would introduce secret documents to the POWs at KOWLOON Fort and SHAMSHUIPO POW Camps, in return for a monthly remuneration.  At that time, he was the driver of a bus which his company furnished to the POW Camps, and he accepted the offer, well knowing that his activities were connected with enemy espionage operations.  Up to about April 43 he received from LUI KA YAN on dozens of occasions secret documents which he introduced clandestinely into the camps, and brought out secret reports from the POWs addressed to the British organization in China, handing them over to LUI KA YAN.  In April 43, when the company for which he worked made him a watchman, after mature consideration, he approached and made use of the accused LEE HUNG HOI and others who now drove the bus his company rented to the POW camps, and thus continued his operations.

 The accused LEE HUNG HOI drove a bus for the KOWLOON Omnibus Company.  When asked by LEE LAM to assist in conveying documents to the POWs in the camp, he agreed, although he knew these activities were connected with espionage on behalf of the enemy.  From the end of April 43 to June 43 he secretly introduced documents on numerous occasions to POWs in the Camps;  and he also received secret documents from the POWs and handed then to LEE LAM.

The accused LAU TAK OI lived together with LOIE FOOK WING from about April 1940.  When, in March 1943, the latter went over to the British organisation in China, the former helped to maintain communications with him, well knowing that he was engaged in espionage work directed against the Japanese forces.

The accused CHAN WAI CHI is the wife of YEUNG SAU TAK.  When the latter went with LOIE FOOK WING to the British organisation in China, she knew he was engaged in espionage work directed against the Japanese forces, but helped to maintain communications with him.  Sentenced to 15 years imprisonment.

The accused CHAN PING FUN was a member of the former Reserve Police Force.  From June he was employed as a construction engineer at KAI TAK airfield.  About the end of January 1943 he happened to run up against the late CHAN FEI, with whom he was already acquainted, and the latter asked him for information about the airfield.  He promptly gave him information in his possession, about various installation projects, although he knew this was espionage activity on behalf of the enemy.

The accused LAU TAK KWONG was a fireman in the HONGKONG Gendarmerie.  He is a brother of LAU TAK OI.  About the middle of April 42, he was visited by LOIE FOOK WING who was living with LAU TAK OI, and asked to help in espionage work against the Japanese on behalf of the British.  He promptly agreed. Up to June, 1943, he investigated and reported on fire brigade of the gendarmerie and on the progress made in restoring various kinds of industry in HONGKONG.  He also allowed his house to be used as a repository for various secret articles to be passed to LOIE FOOK WING.

Proofs

  1. In the trial of each of the accused in open court, the depositions of the judicial departments in all cases tally.
  2. Exhibits taken: 5 wireless receiving sets, one bottle of secret ink, one secret document from the British organization in WAICHOW addressed to LOIE FOOK WING.

According to Military Law, the acts of the accused YEUNG SAU TAK, CHENG YUET, William John WHITE, YAN CHEUK MING, CHEUNG YUNG SAM, LUK CHUNG KIT, HO YAU, LEE LAM, LEE HUNG HOI, LAU TAK OI, CHAN WAI CHI, CHAN PING FUNG, LAU TAK KWONG, constitute a crime under Clause 2 sub-section 2 of the Hong Kong Occupied Territory Governor-General's Department Code;  the acts of the accused LUIS CARLOS ROZARIO SOUSA, ALEXANDER CHRISTY SHINTON, LEUNG HUNG, FREDERICK IVAN GEORGE HALL, BRADLEY, DOUGLAS WILLIAM WATERTON, HUBERT STANLEY REES, WALTER RICHARDSON SCOTT, JOHN ALEXANDER FRASER, FRANK ROBERT, WILLIAM JOHN ANDERSON, JAMES LESLIE ANDERSON, constitute a crime under Clause 2 sub-section 3 of the above.  Of the punishment provided in Clause 6 of the above code, sentence of death was passed on the on the accused YEUNG SAU TAK, CHENG YUET, WILLIAM JOHN WHITE, YAN CHEUK MING, CHEUNG YUNG SAM, LUK CHUNG KIT, LEE LAM, LEE HUNG HOI, LAU TAK OI, CHAN PING FUN, LAU TAK KWONG, ALEXANDER CHRISTY SHINTON, LEUNG HUNG, FREDERICK IVAN GORGE HALL, BRADLEY, DOUGLAS WILLIAM WATERTON, HUBERT STANLEY REES, WALTER RICHARDSON SCOTT, JOHN ALEXANDER FRASER.

Sentence of 15 years imprisonment was passed on the accused HO YAU, CHAN WAI CHI, LUIS CARLOS ROSARIO SOUZA, FRANK ROBERT, WILLIAM ANDERSON, JAMES LESLIE ANDERSON.

19th October, 1943

Hong Kong Occupied Territory Governor-General's Dept., Court.

Chief Judge:  Lieut.-Col FUJIMOTO.
          Judge:  Legal 1st Lieut YAMAGUCHI, Kyoichi.
          Judge:  Army 1st Lieut TIMURO, Tetsu.

(T.N. All sentenced to death (NB LEE LAM's name is omitted from the list) - executed 29th Oct 1943.  Those sentenced to 15 years imprisonment had sentence commuted to 10 years by Proclamation 15, 1944).

Notes from Elizabeth Ride:

I'm afraid I do not  know anything more about this document other than I found it in the National Archives in Kew.  The reference for its source is file number  CO/980/62 in the National Archives.  As you know, my father was the Chief Intelligence Officer on Admiral Harcourt's staff at that time.  (His second in command was Charles Boxer, which should be evidence enough that any suspicion against him is totally unreasonable).  As you see this is the 4th report, so the others can be reasonably presumed to be in the archives of the Land Forces HQ.


Extra notes from David:

The names of the accused are mentioned in several places, the Judgement, Text, Grounds, then finally at the end of the document under Proofs. The spellings of ome of the names vary.

I list the names as shown in the various sections below. When a different spelling first appears, I highlight it in bold. Finally I note the sentence they received.

Judgement Text Grounds Proofs Sentence
YOUNG SHO-DUCK YOUNG SHO-DUCK YEUNG SAU TAK YEUNG SAU TAK Death
CHENG YAT CHENG YAT CHEUNG YUET CHENG YUET Death
William John WHITE William John WHITE William John WHITE William John WHITE Death
Luis Carlos Rosario SUZA Luis Carlos Rosario SUZA LUIS CARLOS ROZARIO SOUZA LUIS CARLOS ROSARIO SOUZA Prison
Alexander KURISUCHISHINTON  Alexander Christy SHINTON Alexander Christy SHINTON Alexander Christy SHINTON Death
LEONG HUNG LEONG HUNG LEUNG HUNG LEUNG HUNG Death
Frederick Ivan George HALL Frederick Ivan George HALL Frederick Ivan George HALL Frederick Ivan George HALL Death
BRADLEY BRADLEY BRADLEY BRADLEY Death
Douglas William WATERTON Douglas William WATERTON Douglas William WATERTON Douglas William WATERTON Death
Walter Richardson SCOTT Walter Richardson SCOTT Walter Richardson SCOTT Walter Richardson SCOTT Death
Hubert Stanley REES Hubert Stanley REES Hubert Stanley REES Hubert Stanley REES Death
John Alexander FRAZER John Alexander FRAZER John Alexander FRAZER John Alexander FRAZER Death
Frank ROBERT Frank ROBERT Frank ROBERT Frank ROBERT Prison
William John ANDERSON William John ANDERSON William John ANDERSON WILLIAM ANDERSON Prison
James Leslie ANDERSON James Leslie ANDERSON James Leslie ANDERSON James Leslie ANDERSON Prison
YAN CHEUK MING YAN CHEUK MING YAN CHEUK MING YAN CHEUK MING Death
CHEUNG YUNG SAM CHEUNG YUNG SAM CHEUNG YUNG SAM CHEUNG YUNG SAM Death
LUK CHING KIT LUK CHING KIT LUK CHUNG KIT LUK CHUNG KIT Death
HO YAU HO YAU HO YAU HO YAU Prison
LEE LAM LEE LAM LEE LAM LEE LAM Death
LEE HUNG HOI LEE HUNG HOI LEE HUNG HOI LEE HUNG HOI Death
LAU TAK OI (female) LAU TAK OI LAU TAK OI LAU TAK OI Death
CHAN WAI CHI (female) CHAN WAI CHI CHAN WAI CHI CHAN WAI CHI Prison
CHAN PING FUN CHAN PING FUN CHAN PING FUN CHAN PING FUN Death
LAU TAK KWONG LAU TAK KWONG LAU TAK KWONG LAU TAK KWONG Death

 


((The following were repatriated on the M S Gripsholm - this report was completed on November 30, 1943.))

From M S Gripsholm repatriates.

Report by:

  • Reverend Charles B Murphy, Francis Xavier Seminar, Scarboro Bluff, Ontario, Canada.
  • Mr R D Gillespie, Disembarked at Port Elizabeth, South Africa. Address: c/o Imperial Chemicals Ltd, London, England
  • Mr William Buchanan, 186 Beach Drive, Victoria, B.C.
  • Mr E D Robbins, RR No 1, Sidney, B.C.
  • Miss Nell E Elliott, 119 Erskine Avenue, Toronto, Canada.
  • Dr A V Greaves, c/o Dr Tisdall, 14 Whitney Ave, Toronto, Canada.
  • Dr H G Mullett, 299 Queens Street West, Toronto. Canada.
  • Mr David Mann, c/o W C Marshall, BC Electric Co, Vancouver, BC.
  • Mrs George L Andrew, 150 St George Street, Toronto, Ontario. ((sic. In the description below they write "Mr Andrew - with Bank of China". It's not clear whether "Mrs" is a typing mistake, or means that the wife of Mr Andrew contributed to the report.))

Father Murphy, 31 years of age, is a Canadian Catholic priest who was studying at the Maryknoll House in Hong Kong at the outbreak of the hostilities.

Mr Gillespie is a business man of long residence in the Far East.

Mr Buchanan is a Canadian connected with Butterfield & Swire & Co, in Hong Kong.

Mr Robbins is a Canadian who was a Health Inspector in the Hong Kong Colonial Government.

Miss Elliott is a Canadian who was with the YWCA in Hong Kong for many years.

Dr Greaves is a bacteriologist who served the Hong Kong Colonial Government for a number of years.

Dr Mullett is a Canadian dentist attached to a mission in the interior of China who was caught in Hong Kong at the outbreak of the war.

Mr Mann was a member of the Hong Kong police force.

Mr Andrew - with Bank of China

---------------

INTRODUCTION.

On January 15, 1942, The Japanese authorities issued a proclamation to all enemy nationals in Hong Kong City, below May Road level, to report at Murray Parade Grounds in the Centre of Hong Kong. They told enemy nationals to bring what they could carry - enough clothing to last a few days. Nobody thought what was ahead of them, for the proclamation did not specifically state that the purpose of registration was for internment. From the parade grounds the people were marched through Queens Road Central, thence to dirty Chinese hotels which were actually nothing more than brothels consisting of cubicles with no windows, air or light. Here internees remained until January 20 to 21, under the most trying and difficult circumstances. Five and six men were allotted to a cubicle; males and females were indiscriminately billeted haphazardly together, with the poorest facilities for cooking or living.

On January 21, 1942, internees were transported to Stanley, 12 miles distant, in crowded buses, on ferry boats and junks, and then began internment. Internees could bring in what food they had with the, which was of necessity most limited because they could only take what they, themselves, could carry. If they had money with them they could take it, but few had any money.

On January 25, 1942, the Peak residents (500) received notice to report to Station South, carrying sufficient baggage for a few days. They had to walk 4 1/2 miles, no buses being provided.

As far as enemy nationals were concerned, there were no exceptions; all had to report to the gendarmes and be interned. Third party nationals and those claiming to be such were allowed to stay out and given passes to go about with some degree of freedom.

The sick who were in the hospital, i.e. the Queen Mary Hospital, were transported to the improvised hospital in camp by ambulance, with not the most gentle care. Sick could not be domiciled outside camp. No exceptions were made for women, or because of age. One case of an aged lady ((Grace Smith)), nearing her eighties, who was blind, made representations to have her Chinese girl, who was the lady's eyes for many years, to remain in camp with her, and the request was refused flatly. This lady is still in camp. No one resisted internment and even many third party nationals, after a few months under Japanese regime, applied for admission but were refused.

Mr Cheng, a Chinese, was camp commandant at first. He, being a Chinese, was hampered, even thought he spoke Japanese fluently. He was asked for a coffin for the dead and replied he could not obtain one from the Gendarmes. He was tikd where wood could be obtained, but still he was unable to get it or give permission to the internees to get it. Never since has a coffin been produced for burial.

He was replaced by Japanese commandants, a Mr Nakazawa, and his assistant, Mr Yamashita. The former is of the educated class of Japanese, is cultured and more efficient and more congenial in his dealing with the internees. Always courteous and prompt, he always tries to help if it is at all possible. The latter is more of the gendarme type, erratic and temperamental, given to fits of rage and tantrums. He has his favourites and on some days is quite congenial, while at other times is most nasty. He prods the Chinese superintendents to mix with the foreigners and bring back to him the feelings and expressions of feelings of the internees. All in all, both are not too bad, but of the two Mr Nakazawa is the more efficient and courteous towards the internees. They are responsible to the Foreign Office officials, Mr Maijima and Mr Hattori.

 

I. LOCATION

Name and exact location of camp with description of distinguishing features of surroundings (so as to be unverifiable from air).

Number of internees broken down by sexes, nationality, race, age groups.

This civilian internment camp is the only one on the island of Hong Kong. The prisoner of war camps are situated on the mainland, viz Kowloon. Stanley is on the southern end of the island, some seven miles from the centre of the city and the business section of the colony. The locality of the camp is on a peninsula known as the Stanley Peninsula, with an irregular coastline dotted with bays and inlets. There are several sandy beaches, one on the eastern shore of Tytam Bay called Stanley Beach; another still on the eastern shore behind the Hong Kong Prison called Tweed Bay Beach, which was formerly used by the governor of the colony. The third is on the western shores of Stanley Bay which is used by the fisherfolk of the village.

The peninsula begins at sea level by a narrow stretch of land and rises to a rather steep slope whereon are situated the Stanley Fort barracks, easily identified from the air.

The camp consists of some fifty acres of land entirely encircled by barbed-wire, with sentry posts placed at regular intervals manned by Indian guards. There is one main entrance into the camp which is guarded by Japanese gendarmes and Indian guards. As one enters the main entrance he proceeds along the highway directly to the Hong Kong prison which is at the termination of the road; the prison is not part of the internment camp; another branch of the road leads off to the buildings known as the "Married" quarters.

In all, there are twenty-seven buildings comprising the camp. All have red tile roofs. St Stephen's College buildings are comprised of three large buildings and six bungalows surrounding it, formerly used as masters' homes and servants quarters. The European prison officers' quarters numbering eight buildings are all of a cream or light buff colour with flat roofs of red tile. The Indian Officers' Quarters are constructed of red brick, and number seven in all. There is also the Tweed Bay Hospital built of the same material as the Indian quarters; the hospital is a little distance from the other buildings.

The most distinguishing feature which could be seen from the air is the Hong Kong Prison. As already stated, the prison is not part of the camp. This structure is about 1,000 feet square and is surrounded by a high white cement wall. Another feature is the cemetery on the western side of the peninsula, surrounded by a low red brick wall, with many tall pine trees. Still another feature is the cement pier or jetty jutting out into the bay to the west of the cemetery.

Numbers. There are still over 2,500 internees, men, women and children, in Stanley camp. The majority is naturally British. Approximately twenty United States citizens remain. These include:

  • 2 Catholic fathers of the Maryknoll Society, Fathers Bayer and Hessler. ((Note from ssuni86: Father Bayer may actually be Father Bernard Francis Meyer, who declined repatriation to the USA and remained in the Stanley Camp with Father Donald Leo Hessler.  Misspellings of internee names were commonplace in military documents as well as newspaper reports.))
  • Nance family - father, mother and three children.
  • Mr Searle and his wife, who is British. He has lost his passport. ((Probably Mr E V Searle))
  • Mrs Margaret Boulton and her British husband.
  • Mr Jones - with him is a woman claiming American citizenship.
  • Mr Edward Shanks.
  • Mr Kiely and wife; the latter is British; with daughter and son also British.
  • Captain Miller; has American papers but no passport.
  • Mr Paul Gregory with Chinese wife and child. Wife and child not interned.
  • Mrs Liu with three children.

In the camp there are approximately fifty-two Dutch nationals, forty-five Norwegians and some ten Belgians. Most of the men in camp, with the exception of those formerly in the Hong Kong Police Force, of whom there are 260, are in after middle age. Women and children number approximately 1,200.

A list of internees at Stanley is attached.

 

II. DESCRIPTION

Kind of buildings (e.g. barracks, abandoned factories. school or college buildings): estimate of square and cubic feet per internee; lighting and heating facilities (hours when available); kind and amount of bedding provided. Beds and nets.

The buildings in the camp are described below:

Group 1. St Stephen's College. Two main buildings known as Blocks 8 and 9.

Block 8 - All men billeted. Since the last repatriation this block is not overcrowded, but it must be stressed that there is no space for storage of the limited supply of baggage. This baggage is put back on the bed during the day. Formerly the small rooms were used as students' rooms with 2 occupants; now 3 or 4 are billeted in these same rooms. The larger rooms were classrooms, and here we have 8 to 12 in rooms. Eight-people rooms as fairly adequate in space, whereas the rooms in which 12 are lodged are definitely overcrowded.

Block 9 - Somewhat similar to Block 8, but due to bombed-out rooms in this section, space is more limited, and one case existed wherein a family of 15 (mixed) members were billeted in a room of 8 or 10 person size. In this building men and women and children were using the same toilet and washing facilities. Two toilets for 50 or 60 people; 5 showers and 10 taps; another part, 14 people for 2 toilets and 1 shower.

  • Lower - 8 rooms housed 64 of whom 5 were females. W.Cs - 3; Urinals - 3; Showers - 3 or 4; Taps - 4 or 5.
  • Upper - 18 rooms housed 85 of whom 10 were females. W.Cs (14) - 2, (71) - 2;. Urinals (71) - 2; Showers (14) - 1, (71) - 5; Taps (14) - 2 (basins), (71) - 11 or 12.
  • Tower - 4 rooms housed 15 of which one was a female.

Block 10 - Another college building, one large classroom accommodated 30 men - space was fairly reasonable , however. This room, however, had suffered from shell fire. Glass was given by the Japanese late in the spring of 1943 to replace broken windows. All upstairs rooms , with one ecseption, were small rooms and were formerly used as students' rooms - 2 to a room; these now house 3 adults each. There should really only be two persons in these rooms, because for extra space during day one bed always has to be put away.

Science Block or Block 11- More than fifty-two people were billeted here. This building originally had no living quarters, since it was the science building for the college. It consisted of four large rooms and four small rooms. The larger rooms were typical science classrooms. One with gradines, and people used sacks and bags for screening. The other rooms were not too crowded. One toilet served the entire population of this building. People used several of the laboratory taps for water. They improvised a shower for themselves with gunnysacks as a shower screen. Men and women, single and married, and families, were lodged here all together.

The Bungalows - They were probably the most convenient quarters, except for the fact that both sexes had to use the same bathing and toilet facilities. In peace time these bungalows were built to house families of five. Now they are utilized to accommodate 28 to 35 persons. Most of the bungalows house married people, but in one bungalow, "C", there were both men and women. Each bungalow contains two bathrooms; one toilet foreign style, one Chinese style.

Group 2. Former European Officers' Quarters.

Six buildings in number - These premises could be best described as consisting of apartments, each containing 4 rooms each, one about 12' X 12', the other three smaller, about 8' X 8'. Some had a bathroom and 2 toilets, others only a bathroom and 1 toilet; a kitchen about 5' square, a pantry about 5' square, one sink per apartment. In each of Blocks 2, 3 and 4 there are six apartments. Each apartment also had two servants' rooms approximately 5' X 8 1/2' wherein 2 persons, usually a married couple, were billeted. These apartments also had a Chinese toilet and a boiler room. Later many kitchens were converted into living quarters for married couples. Each apartment housed from 25 to 30 people. In some of the arger rooms there were as many as 9 people billeted. In one large room there was a family of ten. This room had been damaged by shell fire prior to the internment. Some of the kitchens were also utilized as clinics - food and medical. Two rooms, both large, were used as office for the B.C.C. (British Communal Council) and Colonial Secretary's office (C.S.O.).

Prison Officers' Club Quarters - Consisted of canteen, lecture hall, two large rooms, a kitchen, one toilet, outside on ground floor. Second floor had four toilets used by men and women. In this block there were over 50 persons - not overcrowded.

Group 3. Tweed Bay Hospital.

The ground floor consisted of an office about 15 feet square, a very small pantry and a small dispensary (each about 4 feet square), a men's surgical ward with 9 beds; an outpatients department 5' X 15'; a large medical ward with 14 beds; operating theater about 10' X 15', a linen room approximately 15' square; a rice boiling shed about 6' X 5' built by internees. For this entire floor there were three toilets.

First floor - One ward for women's medical ward - 9 beds, one large ward for medical (men) 14 beds; a women's surgical ward consisting of 13 beds, although at times as many as 16 had to be used; a maternity ward of 6 beds. These rooms approximately same size as those on ground floor. Toilet, men and women - 4; no bathrooms; 4 showers in use.

Second floor - (nurses floor) housing 52 nurses, consisting also of four rooms. The first room 20 feet square, contained 13 nurses' beds and baggage; there was no cupboard space whatever. The second room 40' X 20' housed 24 nurses and all their baggage, etc. The third room 20' X 20' housed 11 persons and baggage. Toilets - 6, bathrooms - none; showers - 6.

No laundry facilities whatever existed in the hospital. Washing was done outside in the yard by the nurses, and hung on improvised lines, or laid on the grass to dry.

The hospital has running cold water, but hot water for washing patents, for hot fomentations, for tea, for any kind of heat treatment and for boiling of instruments, etc. was provided by one electric boiler on the ground floor and one wood boiler outside. There is one sterilizer in the theater, and one in outpatients department, each about 20" in length. The sterilizer drums had to go to Hong Kong and were kept away sometimes a month before an operation could be performed. Sometimes operations had to be done without any sterile dressings.

Group 3. Indian Quarters.

All buildings in this group are identical. Each building has 6 flats, each flat of 2 rooms 10' X 12' and 8' X 12', occupied by 3 and 4 people respectively. Each double flat had 1 W.C. (native) and 1 small kitchen with a cold water tap. Placing person in one of these rooms meant overcrowding since there was no baggage space.

Group 4. Leprosarium.

Housed 19 doctors and assistants. Not overcrowded, but no extra space.

Group 5. Headquarters.

Used by Japanese camp superintendents and Chinese superintendent. Modern houses, one half of one bombed beyond use. Each had modern toilets and bath rooms with shower facilities. In one building there were 2 Japanese and servants and about five superintendents (Chinese). In the other, about 5 or 6 Chinese superintendents; 2 lady superintendents.

---------------------

Space - On the average each internee had about 41 cubic feet of space, which is inadequate.

Lighting - Each person is allowed a quota of nine units of electricity per month. ; further restrictions are inevitable with the supply of coal steadily decreasing. Up to date tje cost of the current has not been collected from the internees.

Heating - There is no ration of electric heating as such. The Japanese authorities ration firewood for cooking purposes only; this ration is one catty or one and on third pounds per head per day. "Lights out" at 10 p.m., after which hour nobody is permitted to turn on the lights for any reason whatever. Usually when an air raid occurs a blackout occurs.

Bedding - At the beginning the Japanese provided no beds to the internees. There were a few beds already in the buildings when the internees arrived and Dr Selwyn-Clarke, a local physician, managed to send internees a number of camp cots. There are still a number of people who sleep on the floor. Once, the Japanese supplied 600 "mintois" which is in the nature of a comforter. Only one out of every four persons or a quarter of the camp's population obtained one of these comforters.

Mosquito nets - These were never supplied by the Japanese authorities, although requests were frequently submitted to the.

The one and only issue of camp beds and blankets was made by the authorities just one year after internment; this issue consisted of 500 of each. Many persons are still sleeping on floors, boards, and other makeshift articles.

 

III. SANITATION.

(Prepared by E.L. Robins, Health Inspector, Hong Kong Medical Department). ((Probably E D Robbins, mentioned above.))

Facilities for washing, bathing, laundry, sewage and garbage disposal, etc. Number and kind of toilets. Supply of toilet paper.

General.

The general sanitation of the Stanley Camp was under the direct supervision of Dr N Macleod, Medical Officer of Health and Deputy Director of Health Services of the Hong Kong Colonial Government. The actual work was undertaken by his staff, consisting of 26 qualified health inspectors, while one veterinary surgeon and food inspector inspected all fresh foodstuffs coming into the camp.

The inspector handled the cleaning of drains, sewers, pavements, weekly inspections of the insdies of buildings, daily cleaning of communal water closets, disposal of refuse, chlorination of drinking water , eradication of smoke, fly breeding and other nuisances, daily inspection of all communal kitchens, and a strict anti-malarial campaign.

Due to the fact that this area had been under heavy shell fire, many buildings were badly damaged, and with the refusal of the Japanese authorities to supply building materials, such as cement, wood, etc for repairing purposes, many persons were housed in untenable quarters, exposed to the elements. There was much overcrowding. The average floor space per person was slightly under 24 square feet, whereas the minimum requirements are 36 square feet per person under public Health Service standards. The sanitary task was accordingly a very onerous one.

Water supply.

Boiled drinking water for 450 internees was supplied from Blocks 2, 3, and 4, and 5 had two such boilers; in the Indian Quarters blocks there were 2 electric boilers and a grass boiler for 750 people.

In American Blocks A-1, 2 and 3, one electric boiler supplied water for 250 people.

In St Stephen's - One electric boiler served 350 people.

In the hospital there was one electric boiler and one wood and grass burner (built by internees); Bungalows obtained their boiling water from their electric stoves, but in September 1943, owing to electric curtailment, it appeared some other method would have to be found by internees for boiling water.

Washing and bathing.

In "Married" quarters and bungalows, each apartment had one bathtub and one shower over tub for every 25 to 30 people.

In Indian quarters there were no bathing facilities. There were no showers but each double flat improvised its own system of shower from its tap.

The hospital had 10 showers, but no baths, and about four sinks. St Stephen's had showers.

No part of camp had hot water facilities for bathing or washing.

Laundry - No facilities provided. Few people had their own electric irons: could use if quota was not exhausted.

Internees provided their own equipment and simply washed their clothes in such buckets and sinks as were available. Clothes, dishes and personal toilet were accomplished in a single basin by hundreds. The Japanese never supplied any soap (or toilet paper) and as time passed the problem of soap became a difficult one.

Sewage and Garbage disposal.

The drainage of the camp consisted of a three-way system. All sewage was disposed of by septic tanks, of which there were seven in number. Of these only three were accessible, the remainder being outside the barbed-wire fencing. Due to the serious overcharging of these tanks, it was found necessary to by-pass them directly to the sea. All sullage water drains were eventually joined to the storm water drains and flowed through one main drain into the open sea.

The disposal of refuse was the chief problem of the Sanitary Department in the camp. Incineration was first attempted, but because of the lack of adequate fuel, proved unsatisfactory, consequently disposal by burying was adopted but here again difficulties were encountered due to the shortage of lime necessary to cover the refuse. Because of the close proximity of the Stanley Village the fly nuisance became worse, as no sanitary work was being undertaken there, and the internees' staff was unable to obtain permission to go there and cope with the nuisance. When the camp was opened for the internees, many bodies of soldiers who had been killed were found in a badly decomposed state; some were partially covered, whole others were totally exposed. The job of the Sanitary Department was to bury properly all such corpses. The presence of these corpses coupled with a mild winter gave an impetus to the fly nuisance. In addition, there were many bodies outside the barbed-wire boundary with others which had been washed up on the beaches and which could not be attended to. These naturally made ideal breeding places for flies.

Fly and Mosquito eradication.

As a result of the fly nuisance the first summer in camp saw an epidemic of fly-borne diseases, chiefly dysentery. In the summer of 1942 there were reported 410 cases which were treated in the hospital, while there were only 4 cases of typhoid. In 1943, up to August 31st, these figures were reduced to 65 dysentery cases and to 1 typhoid case. No cholera cases were reported, although there was a cholera epidemic in Hong Kong at the time.

With the ever-increasing number of malaria cases, 143 for 1942, and 213 up to August 31, 1943, a strong anti-malarial campaign was inaugurated. After many attempts, permission was finally obtained from the authorities for a squad of men to go outside the boundary once weekly to fill in holes likely to hold water, to spray ponds and pools above high water level. These measures have to some extent retarded the disease and the breeding of anopheles mosquitoes.

Insect eradication.

Despite the fact that washing and bathing facilities were very meager, (approximately one tap per 15 persons) only three cases requiring delousing were repotted. On the other hand, due to the type of buildings, to the lack of disinfecting materials, and to the lack of adequate supplies of soap, there were few buildings that were free from bugs during the summer months. The only methods possible for eradication of bugs was the exposing of infected bedding etc to sunlight.

Toilets.

The buildings making up the camp were enclosed in an area of approximately 50 acres, and were originally built to house European, Chinese, and Indian jail wardens, as well as students and masters of St Stephen's College. The water closet accommodation for the entire camp averaged 1 w.c. per 12 persons. The population of the whole camp was in August 1943, 2572 persons. In the Indian quarters, housing 750 persons, there was 1 native type W.C. for every 22 persons, while in the "Married" quarters, one for every 6 persons; in the European "Married" quarters, housing 750, one European type w.c. served 22 persons, while in the Science Block, 1 European type w.c. served 56 adults. The only urinals were those in the buildings of St Stephen's College, originally a boy's school..These buildings were finally kept segregated, with a few exceptions, for men. Emergency dry-earth pits were constructed, but due to the sandy nature of the soil and the lack of wood for cribbing, these pits constantly caved in and were found unsatisfactory.

The lack of hot water, except that rationed for drinking purposes, plus the difficulty of obtaining adequate soap supplies made washing facilities very difficult. One issue of 500 pounds [words missing?], 6 dozen brooms, and 50 gallons of disinfectant was the only one ever made by the Japanese authorities. Soap, toilet paper, etc were only obtainable through the canteen or provided by the Camp Welfare Committee, which purchased such necessities from profits made in the canteen.

 

IV. FOOD AND CLOTHIING

Facilities for and method of preparing food. Sources and handling of food. Food and clothing provided by Japanese. Relief supplies from International Red Cross; gift packages. Purchase of food and clothing by internees with their own funds. Post exchanges and canteens. Influence of local food situation on diet provided by the Japanese.

Facilities for and method of preparing food.

The camp was sub-divided into sections for housing and cooking arrangements, and whilst one or two locations for cooking were already installed, others had to be built. The Japanese supplied nothing in the way of material. Fortunately, electric stoves and an odd cooking fireplace, the property of the Hong Kong Government or of the employees or of St Stephen's College, were well in condition to operate when the internees entered the camp. In the Indian Prison Guard quarters, no kitchen functioned and in this section of the camp the Japanese housed 750 Britishers, men, women and children. For a few days, these people were temporarily fed from another section of the camp. A kitchen was erected by the internees in the open garage for which all material had to be collected from around the hillside. Cement blocks from air-raid shelters, bricks from damaged buildings and red earth from the hillsides (used as cement) were collected by the internees and used by them in constructing the kitchen. The Japanese supplied nothing. Improvised tools were made and salvaged in the camp.

A number of large and of small rice fireplaces for the cooking of rice, meal and vegetables were built. Rice boilers and pots and pans were sent in from Hong Kong through the good offices of the Internees' Welfare Organisation and not by the Japanese.

After the last of the Indian guards had vacated the camp, the Indian quarters kitchen was moved from the open garage to the vacated building. Again materials were gathered together by the internees. Cement promised by the Japanese was never supplied.

Sources and handling of food.

All food was supplied by the Japanese authorities and brought into camp daily by motor-truck. The meat was examined by a former Hong Kong Government veterinary surgeon. All food was inspected and weighed and thereafter divide into a "per capita" basis among the different sections of the camp. Labor gangs carried the food from the delivery point to their own cookhouses. All labor was supplied by internees.

The inspection of fresh foodstuffs was carried out daily on their arrival from Hong Kong by one food inspector and one veterinary surgeon. Rejections of diseased meat or of any foodstuffs considered unfit for human consumption were made by the inspectors. Such rejected foods were never replaced by the authorities.

Food and clothing provided by the Japanese.

a) Clothing: Nothing was supplied by the Japanese. They simply were not interested and offered no facilities for anyone to acquire clothing. Clothing supplied later through non-Japanese organisations is dealt with elsewhere in this report.

b) Food: Rations were issued daily on a "per capita" basis. Weight in ounces, only sufficient to cover two very meagre meals daily: Rice, 8.4 ounces, flour 4.2 ounces, meat 3.3 ounces or fish 5.4 ounces, sugar 0.29 ounces, salt 0.32 ounces, firewood 21.3 ounces, vegetables 6.6 ounces (Meat and vegetables frequently short of content weight).

Meat, usually buffalo, was of very poor quality. The meat supply was half buttocks and half ribs. The per capita weight of 5.4 ounces included heads, bones and waste and was always of inferior quality.

Vegetables - the poorest quality of water spinach, watermelon, pumpkin, chives, etc were supplied. At odd times there were also supplied a few sweet potatoes. Two, sometimes three, different vegetable were served. There was a limited supply of milk for the children under three and for a few of the sick.

c) Meatless days: There was one meatless day per week but on such days the vegetable served were increased by 50 per cent over the usual supply. d) No condiments were supplied by the Japanese. Tea, coffee, milk, jam, etc were not supplied by the Japanese.

Relief supplies from the International Red Cross.

Fortunately, British Red Cross parcels reached the camp in November 1942, on the return of the first repatriation ship. Just when the supplies and health of the camp were at their lowest point. Each of these parcels had 15 or 16 different food items. Bulk supplies were also received, and over a period each person received 23 tins of bully beef or meat and vegetables, 11 pounds of sugar, 2 pounds of tea, 1 pound of cocoa, and dried fruits.

Clothing, consisting of khaki cloth cardigans, underwear, socks, khaki shirts, and men's hats were received at the same time. These supplies arrived just before the winter and saved the camp. without the least doubt. Shoes, it was stated, were sent by the International Red Cross but, if so, were never received. Tobacco and cigarettes were not received.

The International Red Cross and Informal Welfare Organization have been able to supplement the rations lately with beans (not many) for all internees and other items for the sick and for children.

The Informal Welfare Organization, as it was designed by the internees, was started by Dr Selwyn-Clarke in the early days following the internment. It was composed of Chinese friends and third party nationals in Hong Kong who desired to help their friends in the internment camp. Dr Selwyn-Clarke was not interned, probably because of his knowledge of Hong Kong public health problems. His freedom enabled him to do as much good for the internees as was at all possible. The Informal Welfare Organization would send into the camp through Dr Selwyn-Clarke food supplies, beds and comforters. through this organization the camp's internal welfare organization was supplied with funds for other needs.

Other sources of relief.

The Camp's Council arranged a loan of HK$300,000 in April/May 1942: the Japanese agreed but deducted 30 percent as exchange loss on "big money", i.e. $300,000 big money equalled $210,000 in spending power. Each internee was allowed to order food or clothing to the value of $52.50 (US$13.12), and received in cash $17.80 (US$4.45). The balance remaining in hand was disbursed on condiments for use in the kitchen. Parcels came in over a period of 10 weeks and during the period when the order for the $52.50 parcels were being filled, the prices of articles soared and the last to acquire such parcels suffered the most.

In addition the internees received:

  • From His Holiness the Pope: HK$5.80 per head (US $1.45)

  • From British Residents' Association, Shanghai: $15.00 ($3.75 US) per head during the second half of 1942.

The International Red Cross in the period between February and September 1943, has paid each internee three payments each of Military Yen 20, and three payments of Military Yen 25. The reason given by the Japanese for the difference in the accounts is that they could not agree to a definite monthly allowance, as the Japanese Government was responsible for the internees and would only sanction payment when they considered it advisable to do so. Each payment must be sanctioned every month. Apparently this was on the basis of an agreement between the British and Japanese Governments, with the International Red Cross as the medium of payment.

Irish Red Cross.

For some time, foodstuffs were sent to the camp and distributed to the Irish national, to those who were ill, and to those in the hospital regardless of nationality. This service from the Irish has been suspended by the Japanese.

Gift packages.

Parcels of food started coming into the camp about March 1942, but reached only a small number of internees. Chinese friends and third party nationals sent in such parcels every week but it can safely be stated that only about 15 percent benefitted from such gifts. These were stopped after a few weeks as a punishment for some alleged infringement of camp rules. Of course, with soaring prices in Hong Kong and the scarcity of goods, fewer parcels now arrive. The Informal Welfare Organization sent one parcel of food to many of those (not all) who had never previously received such a parcel from any other source. A few internees never received a parcel from any source.

Purchase of food and clothing by internees with their own funds.

Very few internees were in a position to purchase food or clothing and very few had anything to dispose of. Nearly a year elapsed before secret means of obtaining money from Hong Kong were found. American dollar or Sterling cheques were given in exchange for military yen. The rate of exchange for such transactions:

One military yen equals one US dollar
One military yen equals 5/- sterling.

It was imperative for some people, especially for those in poor health, to take advantage of this channel. Purchase of foodstuffs in the canteen could then be made. This source of supply of cash does not now exist. Prices were high and kept on soaring, as the following will show:

Bullybeef                     12 oz tin    8 1/2 yen or US$ 8.50
Lard                             1 lb            7        "          "     7.00
Eggs                             each         1 1/2   "         "     1.50
Jam                              12 oz        2.85    "         "      2.85
Peanuts                        1 lb           3.30    "         "      3.30
Toilet soap, small cake each         2.80    "         "     2.80
Sugar                            1/4 lb        0.90    "         "     0.90 (very little sugar was available)

Other prices similarly were high. Nothing whatever has been imported by the Japanese and pre-war stocks must be low. Eggs and bananas came in during the past year and were purchased through the canteen. The supplies are very irregular at present.

Post exchanges and canteen.

The canteen is operated by the camp with the Japanese 's permission. The capital of approximately HK$ 20,000.- was raised amongst the internees shortly after their arrival in camp. The staff are internees; goods are ordered from town but are not always available. Prices are rocketing and it can safely be said that as time goes on supplies will cease and the Japanese will not be interested. The canteen opens twice a week for the sale of very little tinned foodstuffs it is able to purchase and resell.

Influence of local food situation on diet provided by Japanese.

This can be summed up in two words, "Slow starvation'". The diet provided by the Japanese lacks protein, etc, and has had serious effects on many internees. Such ailments as beriberi, defective eyesight, pellagra, and skin trouble have resulted. In addition, there are internees who are suffering from tuberculosis, while others have hernia.

 

V. MEDICAL AND DENTAL CARE

Availability of physicians and specialists. If Japanese physicians assigned to the camp, their professional ability and training. Hospitalization outside camp, whether in occidental or oriental hospitals, quality of treatment and care. Who pays fees.

Medical.

The internees are fortunate in having among themselves physicians and surgeons who are available in the camp. Specialists are available, but they do not have much equipment with which to practice. No Japanese physicians have been assigned to the camp. No effort whatsoever has been made by the Japanese to provide medical services for the camp. All medical services are provided by the effort of the internees. All equipment in use is that which has been provided by private effort of individual physicians and that which was brought in by Hong Kong Government medical officers despite the Japanese.

Anything in the way of medical supplies has been obtained by the internees through their organizations outside the camp. These supplies have been procured with difficulty and paid for by the internees. The camp hospital was improvised from an empty building, is crowded, inadequate, short of supplies and equipment. No outside hospitalization is provided or allowed.

Dental care.

Japanese authorities made no attempt to provide facilities for dental treatment to internees. They did allow some equipment to be brought into the camp, and also from time to time permitted inadequate amounts of dental materials fob emergency or temporary treatment to be brought in. All such supplies were secured through the efforts of the internees' own medical-dental departments, and had to be paid for by the internees. The dental treatment available was provided by the dentists interned in the camp.

 

VI. SUPERVISION OR INSPECTION BY:

Swiss Government Officials
International Red Cross
Vatican Delegate
Local Relief Societies

The Japanese authorities stated categorically that they did not admit that the Swiss Government officials had any standing whatever in Hong Kong. A request to be allowed to communicate, through the Japanese, with the Swiss Minister in Tokyo was refused, as was also a request for a visit from th4 Swiss Consul in Canton.

The International Red Cross Delegate (Mr Zindel, a Swiss) was allowed to function to a limited extent. He was given no diplomatic privileges or annuity of any sort. He was obliged to obtain special permission every time he visited the camp; he visited the camp on an average of about once a month. During his visits he was not allowed to move freely about the camp, and a Japanese was always with him. His outgoing telegrams had to be approved by the Japanese and he also admitted that he had been obliged to send some which gave a misleading and false impression of conditions at Stanley.

Because he had his wife and family in Hong Kong his position was made very difficult.

No Vatican delegate was allowed to visit the camp. Bishop Valtorta of Hong Kong came in twice by special concession, but just before the present repatriation he asked to see Father Murphy and was refused.

An informal welfare committee was formed in town by Dr Selwyn-Clarke, former Director of Medical Services who was not interned but allowed to remain in Hong Kong. Funds were provided by Chinese, Indian and other well-wishers and the committee did invaluable work. Drugs and equipment were brought in to the hospital. Except for 50 iron beds and a few doses of anti-diphtheria serum, the Japanese provided the hospital with absolutely nothing.

Milk, eggs, fruit juices, etc were provided for children and for the sick, the Japanese making no provision for these articles. The Committee also sent to camp a quantity of clothing, footwear, beds, bedding, toilet articles, etc, as many people were completely destitute in respect to these things.

Dr Selwyn-Clarke was allowed to visit the camp at irregular intervals and in doing so availed himself of the opportunity to bring supplies with him in the ambulance. The Japanese made no objection thereto, but they were always suspicious as to the source of his funds and eventually, on May 2 1943, Dr Selwyn-Clarke was arrested. Since his arrest, the International Red Cross delegate has, as far as possible, continued his work with funds supplied through Geneva.

A group of Irish friends were able to send occasional parcels to Irish nationals in camp.

No local residents were permitted to visit internees.

 

VII. WELFARE AND RECREATION

Facilities for recreation
Comfort allowances
Personal funds (loans etc)
For what purpose issued and to what extent
Package lines - "Vacations".

Sports consisted of:

Very little badminton and tennis (One court for badminton, football, softball, darts).

The equipment and funds supplied by IRC were used chiefly for softball, football, and darts. Private subscriptions were taken up in camp for further supplies.

Sports facilities:

Two damaged tennis courts, one indoor badminton court, one miniature football field, one small field used for softball.

Swimming:

The camp had from the months of May 1942 to October 1943 the privilege of using the Tweed Bay beach. However, due to the meagre diet of the internees, the majority in 1943 found swimming too vigorous an exercise. The medical authorities were obliged to advise internees to stop such sports as football, due to the general debility of the internees as a whole.

Comfort allowances:

Internees were the recipients of small irregular allowances from various sources, i.e. friends in Hong Kong (Money - Informal welfare - Checks).

Internees received HK$ 52.50 (US$ 13.12) as food and clothing allowance as well as a cash payment trough a loan arranged by the camp's council of HK$ 12.80 or US$ 4.45 during April and May 1942. In addition, they received HK$ 5.80 from His Holiness the Pope; HK$ 15(US$ 3.75) per head from the British Residents' Society of Shanghai during the second half of 1942. Between February and September 1932 the International Red Cross paid each internee three payments of Military Yen 20 and three payments of Military Yen 25.

After much negotiations, the Japanese authorities finally assented to the issuance of passes to enable patients requiring X-ray treatment to proceed to the city. Such passes were granted to a comparatively few patients, and the privilege was entirely withdrawn just prior to the present repatriation.

 

VIII. COMMUNICATIONS.

How often can letters and cards be sent by internees, restrictions on length and contents. Regularity of receipt of mail. Transit time. Particularly important are facts which may be quoted indicating where delays may have occurred.

In May 1943, 17 months after the cessation of hostilities, permission was given by the Japanese to write one letter of 200 words per month to families abroad. This was later amended to one letter of 200 words in one month, and one postcard of 75 words the following month. Internees were not allowed to criticize the camp in any way, nor to use slang, nor say anything which might have a double meaning, nor to quote the Bible, nor to discuss the prosecution of the war. Internees were allowed to write only on personal matters, and on their health. The internees were asked by their own governments to avoid anything which might be used by the Japanese as propaganda for them.

Letters from England took anywhere from eight to fifteen months to arrive, and it was evident that only a small percentage of letters written reached the camp. The first English mail arrived in Stanley on November 16, 1942. Canadian mail reached Stanley about fourteen months after dispatch, and no letters at all reached Stanley from the United States, except a few relayed through London. Very little Australian mail was received in camp. Mail came very irregularly, in small batches, with no correct sequence of dates, and with many letters missing.

Red Cross messages came through with varying success. Some arrived within six months of dispatch, but others, obviously the first inquiries instigated by relatives in England, Canada, etc, were not received until eighteen months later. Many instances are known where Red Cross messages which were dispatched were never received at all. Cables through the International Red Cross were sometimes six months in transit, although some have been delivered in Stanley within a fortnight or three weeks of dispatch. These were in a very marked minority, however.

Communications between prisoner of war camps and next of kin in Stanley Civilian Internment Camp were scandalously bad. No list of survivors of the war was ever published in Stanley camp, despite repeated requests from the British authorities. Women interned at Stanley were without news of husbands and brothers who were in the Hong Kong military forces from the cessation of hostilities until the first postcards were received from prisoners of war at Christmas 1942. Countless women were without knowledge of the survival of their next of kin until the year after the surrender of Hong Kong. On that occasion, Christmas cards of 10 words only were allowed between Stanley and prisoner of war camps. In January 1943, civilian internees were allowed to send one 10 word postcard per month to next of kin and close relatives in prisoner of war camps, but cards were not received in Stanley until February 1943; presumably, prisoners of war were allowed to write at the same time as internees at Stanley. Postcards from prisoners arrived in camp very irregularly and there was no confidence in the camp that all postcards dispatched reached their destination. This caused untold anxiety and heartache in the camp, for when mails were received from the prisoners of war camps many women who expected word from their husbands failed to get it. Wives whose husbands were sent to Japan in October 1942, and January 1943, have received no word at all from them, although the men who were sent to Japan in January 1943 were able to send the 10 word Christmas greetings . Approximately six post cards only have been received in Stanley from prisoners of war sent to Japan; thus, there is a large percentage of women in Stanley who have had no word at all from their husbands in nearly two years. The anxiety felt in the camp is particularly heartrending for those women who know that their husbands left Hong Kong in October 1942 aboard the Lisbon Maru, which was torpedoed between Hong Kong and Japan. An account of the torpedoing was published in the Hong Kong newspapers and, despite requests, no information from the Japanese military authorities or any casualty list has ever appeared in the newspapers. Specific inquiries received most unsatisfactory replies, e.g. "Your husband's name appears on no lists available in Hong Kong" or "So-and-so is not on any casualty list", etc. The result was that with each passing month, when no post cards from Japan were received, women internees became more and more uncertain about the fate of their husbands.

One year after the departure of the Lisbon Maru, when the Canadians left Stanley, there were women in Stanley Camp who did not know if their husbands were alive or dead. There was also no assurance from the Japanese in Hong Kong that this nerve-wracking state of affairs would be improved.

Next of kin in Stanley were never notified of the death of relatives in prisoner of war camps, unless specific inquiries were made through Mr Zindel, International Red Cross Delegate in Hong Kong. With the delivery of postcards so uncertain, women naturally waited some months before making these inquiries. Just prior to the repatriation of the Canadians, a batch of postcards was received in Stanley. Many of these cards had been six months in transit from Kowloon to Hong Kong, but some were dated the month before receipt in Stanley.

There is no question but that the delay in delivery of mail is due almost entirely to the difficulties of censorship. However, this does nothing to ease the anxiety and nervous strain of internees and prisoners of war in the Far East.

 

IX. LABOR.

Where and what kind performed. Voluntary or paid for; mode of payment, that is, money or kind, food, etc. If wages paid with money, what could be purchased. What compensation to those who were injured during course of labor.

All manual and clerical work in camp was performed by internees, and was entirely voluntary. The Japanese made several requests that internees go to Hong Kong and work for them at a given salary, but in most cases these requests were not met with. Occasionally they asked for an internee professional to do a particular piece of work involving some technicality with regard to machinery, etc. Mr Gimson, the commandant of the British section, usually acceded to such requests, although at times he refused to allow internees to go. Usually such internees were taken from camp by automobile to their destination, did their work of repair, and were well treated, because it was usually at the request of the Foreign Affairs Section of the Military Administration that they went. During these excursions, the internees were usually allowed to make any purchases they wanted, if they had the necessary cash.

In Bungalow "B", a four-room bungalow which normally housed one family, 32 people were housed, made up as follows:

1) Able-bodied men                        8
2) Sick or elderly men & women   10
3) Women                                       7
4) Children                                      7

The able-bodied men did all the work (except for cooking) connected with the bungalow and in turns performed the following fatigues:

Rice boiling
Collecting and splitting firewood
Assisting the women cooks and cleaning utensils, kitchens, etc
Digging refuse pits
Collecting rations from distribution center
Cleaning latrines and drains etc
Garden work

The women in turn cooked the rations. All work was entirely voluntary.

The question of compensation to those injured during the course of labor was never discussed. A few cases of hernia developed, in all probability as a result of labor, but the internees merely went on the sick list and compensation was not even thought of. Any cleaning away of debris or the construction of any new project of the internees was done by the internees themselves, after permission had been sought for and granted by the Japanese authorities.

Anti-malarial work was done by the internees' medical and sanitary department, as is stated under "Sanitation".

Cooking, chopping firewood, vegetable cleaning, and every phase of labor was conducted by the internees.

 

X. PUNISHMENT

Penalties prescribed for Americans, particularly for attempts to escape. What proceedings for accused. What disciplinary measures rather than penalties prescribed by quasi-judicial proceedings.

Internees in Stanley were extremely fortunate in that the internal administration of the camp was left largely in the hands of internees themselves. Consequently, infringements of camp rules were met by punishment meted out by a special disciplinary tribunal appointed by the camp community council. As a result, internees in their daily routine of camp life were comparatively free from interference by Japanese gendarmes, except in cases of violations of regulations promulgated by the Japanese.

At the time of internment these latter regulations were few in number but as time passed, new additions thereto were constantly made, usually following incidents occurring in the camp. Constant warning were issued that failure to observe the regulations would result in adverse repercussions on the camp in general, while individual delinquents would be dealt with by the gendarmerie in accordance with Japanese military law, but no information was divulged as to the specific penalties to which offenders would be subjected. Offences, however, for which individual internees are known to have been arrested include attempted escapes, looting of go-downs, surreptitious communications with friends in town, and possession of a radio.

There have been two organised attempts at escape from Stanley, both taking place during the first few months of internment. The first one, involving a party of seven persons, proved successful. Repercussions in the camp include the adoption of a stricter rollcall procedure twice daily, barbed-wire fences around the camp, and also an increase in the number of Indian and Chinese guards. The second attempt, which occurred in April 1942, proved unsuccessful as the four men were recaptured while still on Hong Kong Island. They were subsequently seen being marched handcuffed through the streets of the town and presumably to gendarmerie headquarters where they were kept for two or three months prior to their transfer to Stanley Prison. All were then in a very emaciated physical condition. In fact, one of the prisoners was in such a serious state that for a while he was permitted the professional services of a camp doctor and government nursing sister. On several occasions the other three were seen exercising in the prison compound, but during the past year nothing further has either been seen or heard of them beyond Japanese assurances to the effect that "prisoners in the gaol are in good health and are being well treated".

Several successful escapes into unoccupied China have been effected from Hong Kong by "non-interned" allied nationals but these, with one exception, have not led to retaliation against internees in Stanley. The exception involved a former internee who, for medical reasons, had been permitted by the Japanese to enter the French Hospital in Hong Kong as a resident patient. From this hospital he made his escape on August 12, 1942. Until this time medical cases in camp requiring X-ray attention had been taken into the French Hospital, where the internees usually remained a day or two, during which time they were often visited by friends from town. After this escape the visits of X-ray patients to the French Hospital were immediately suspended. They were, however, resumed again several months later but were permanently stopped when one of the patients was discovered carrying a considerable amount of money while returning to Stanley. The money was confiscated by the gendarmerie who later also took the patient into custody.

During the first twenty-one months of internment approximately 25 arrests of internees have been carried out by the gendarmerie in Stanley while a further number of British, American and other nationals of European extraction resident in Hong Kong have also been taken into custody. Some have been released, but the majority remain imprisoned and despite numerous inquiries, no official information whatsoever has been vouchsafed to internees, friends or relatives regarding the charges against, or sentence imposed on the prisoners who, incidentally, are not permitted visitors.

In April 1942, eight internees are [sic] arrested for looting a go-down of food supplies which had been stored there by the former British administration. They were all taken to the gendarmerie station in Stanley Village where they were confined in one cell, measuring approximately 12' x 6' and 12' high, for a period of 11 days. Three blankets were provided for the eight men and as no bed boards were supplied, they had to take turns sleeping on the concrete floor. Food consisted of two meals daily; there was plenty of rice with a small portion of vegetables sometimes and only water for a beverage, but for one period of 36 hours no food or water was issued. The prisoners were only permitted out of their cell to visit a water closet, or when they were taken out separately for interrogation. During the interrogation they were usually knocked down and subjected to kicks by their Indian jailers.

In May 1943, five arrests were made in the camp in one day. It is believed that it was due to information obtained through third degree methods that four further arrests were made some three weeks later. Those arrested included the Defence Secretary and the Chief of Police under the British Administration, but the latter was released within a few weeks. Two of the other individuals were implicated in a case concerning the possession and use of a radio, as one of the arrested men was accompanied by the gendarmes to a certain location in the camp where he was provided with a spade and forced to dig. After nearly two hours work in the hot sun he finally uncovered a radio set which was generally believed to have been buried at the beginning of the year and consequently not in use since that time. After the set and location had been duly photographed , the unfortunate internee was taken with the radio to the gendarmerie station.

Punishment meted out to the camp in general included the suspension at various times of the receipt of all private parcels from friends and relatives in town and the banning of all public meetings, lectures and concerts over certain periods.

From the foregoing it will readily be seen that while it has been impossible to obtain information regarding the judicial processes of Japanese military law as practiced in Hong Kong or to set down the penalties prescribed for specific offences against tat law, the treatment accorded civilian internees and enemy nationals arrested by the gendarmerie includes subjection of those individuals to physical brutality, humiliation, slow starvation and long confinement under the worst possible conditions, in some cases even without trial by a judicial court.

In passing, it might be of interest to mention here some repercussions on the camp resulting from raids on Hong Kong conducted by the American Air Force in China. When Hong Kong experienced its first raids during the latter part of October 1942, 250 unattached men in Stanley between the ages of 18 and 45 were compelled at nights to sleep in cells in the Hong Kong Prison. They entered the gaol premises at 6.30 p.m. each evening and left again at 7 a.m. every morning. This lasted nearly until Christmas. The Japanese stated that it was a precautionary measure intended to prevent escapes during the hours of darkness when the camp was completely blacked out. When a bombing raid at the end of August 1943 destroyed Hong Kong's gasoline supplies stored at the Laichikok installation, the Japanese were forced to suspend all public bus and truck traffic in town. It was intimidated by them that as a result, the transportation of food rations to Stanley might also have to be suspended for a period of three days. Fortunately, this threat was never carried out and rations continued to arrive in ten camp on daily ration lorry.

 

XI. SUPPLIES FOR INTERNEES.

What supplied by Red Cross or other organisations reach camps, nature of supplies, date of arrival, method of distribution. What possessions were taken away from internees without receipt being given.

At the inception of the camp a certain amount of Hong Kong Government supplies were brought in and these supplies were issued as a very necessary supplement to the regular supplies granted by tea Japanese. Subsequently, in November 1942, a small quantity of British Red Cross food was distributed by the Japanese. This lasted until the early part of the presnet year (1943) when the general health of the camp swiftly began to deteriorate.

Private parcels from friends of the internees in town were permitted by the Japanese at irregular internals; these were few and far between in recent months. In spite of the assistance given the internees by the Informal Welfare Committee in town and later by the International Red Cross, the position during the whole period was one of scarcity of supplies. At no time were the quantities sent to the internees sufficient to satisfy their needs. For this reason, it was necessary to form an organization whereby the requests of the internees were carefully investigated and the goods distributed, both food an clothing being given only to those in most urgent need. This distribution was done by the International Welfare Committee in the camp, with the assistance of the Block Welfare officers and their helpers appointed by them, also assisted by the camp relief fund.

The Japanese have stated officially that they recognised no property rights on the part of Europeans in Hong Kong.

 

XII. PERSONAL TREATMENT OF INTERNEES.

In general, it is desired to know whether any internee has been exposed to violence, insult or public curiosity.

In describing the treatment accorded civilian internees in Stanley it is perhaps best to explain here that at the commencement of internment, language difficulties led to the appointment of numerous Chinese supervisors through whom Japanese orders and regulations were relayed to internees. Later, after the appointment of a camp administrative body these orders were relayed through the camp commandant and consequently internees in general had no contact with the Japanese other than the Gendarmerie. The Gendarmerie was responsible for the enforcement of regulations and maintenance or order amongst internees, also with the supervision over the Indian and Chinese guards. It was perhaps inevitable that, until the adoption of a regular routine, certain incidents should arise involving individual internees in a certain amount of unpleasantness with the gendarmes and also with some of the Indian guards.

One of the main causes of friction was the Nipponese assertion that all Japanese in uniform represented the Emperor and therefore in keeping with the usual etiquette practiced in all conquered or occupied territories, internees should remove their hats or bow in a dignified manner when meeting or passing uniformed Japanese in the camp. In several instances failure to observe this formality resulted in internees being slapped, but as time went on, while some internees adopted the policy of avoiding uniformed Japanese wherever possible, the Japanese employed in the camp appeared to relax their own insistence on the observation of this ritual.

Another cause for infliction of this form of punishment was the constant fear exhibited by the Japanese of unauthorized individuals observing the activities of their armed services, including those of the Gendarmerie. This led the Japanese to forbid internees to look into the gaol compound and on numerous occasions internees had their faces slapped whenever they were found in locations from where they could overlook the Prison.

On several occasions the camp commandant was forced to lodge protests with the Japanese civil authorities in charge of the camp over the behavior of both Japanese gendarmes and Indian guards. In view of the sympathetic reception and action accorded these complaints, it was evident that the Japanese were anxious to keep the number of incidents down to a minimum, while keeping internees as contented as possible under the circumstances.

One incident occurred during the early stages of camp life when the concentration of so large a number of European internees was still a novelty and the camp was consequently subjected to frequent sight-seeing visits from Japanese officials, troops and gendarmes. One night a Japanese gendarme attached to Stanley Prison visited the damp while in a very intoxicated condition and entered one woman's bedroom. Upon hearing her shouts for help, her Block Chainman rushed to her assistance only to have the Japanese threaten him with his revolver; fortunately, the Block Chairman was able to disarm the Japanese without much difficulty . The resultant protest over this incident had the effect of preventing any similar occurrences.

On another occasion, due to the visit of a high Japanese official to Stanley Prison, the Japanese authorities closed the main road running through the camp without any prior warning or notification being given to internees. One elderly British doctor while approaching the road was knocked down and brutally kicked by an Indian guard. A protest over this incident resulted in internees being instructed that in future occurrences of this nature a full report should be submitted through the camp commandant to the Japanese, together with the identification numbers of any guards concerned.

The only incident which comes to mind in which an internee has been exposed to public curiosity was when a camp doctor received permission from the Japanese authorities to carry out anti-malarial work beyond the barbed-wire fences in order to destroy the breeding grounds of mosquitoes just outside the fence. While busily engaged in this occupation he was discovered by a Japanese gendarme who took the internee to Stanley Village where he was forced to remain standing beside a post in the hot sun for over an hour while subjected to the gaze of curious Chinese passers-by.

 

============================


The following document is kindly supplied by Elizabeth Ride from her collection of BAAG material.


MOST SECRET AND PERSONAL

Headquarters,
British Army Aid Group,Kweilin.
7th April, 1944,
Reference:- DP/5.

Major-General G.E. Grimsdale,
H.M. Military Attache,
British Embassy,
Chungking.

My dear General,

Reference my DP/4 dated 24 Mar 44:

1.    I have received the following report from RONNIE regarding KERR's recent escape from the KOWLOON Hills through RED territory:-

"Briefly what happened was that he came down on the South, or wrong, side of the KOWLOON range, at a spot in full view of the KAI TAK A/d, and made his way as quickly as possible towards the North, or right side. Just after he crossed the top and started down the North Slope, he was contacted by a small boy who led him, some distance in the right direction. Unfortunately enemy troops who were in pursuit were getting too close and the small boy, who afterwards turned out to be a 'little devil', or RED runner, outdistanced KERR, who went to earth. For several days he lived in holes, never coming out by day, but working his way East at night. Finally he made up his mind to tackle a party of youths who walked near to his hideout, and he was lucky - they put him in . touch with the REDS, who looked after him very well and finally - on 18 Mar - got him to PINGSHAN whence he was brought up to WAICHOW by the HEUNG CHEUNG.

"First I would say that he is by far the most intelligent and pleasant (and, I think, the toughest) of all the U.S.A.A.F. chaps who have so far shown up here. And if what I say should, be of any interest to his topside, I would like to record that he did exactly the right things throughout and owes his success to a great extent to his own good judgement, determination and courage. In particular, the precautions which he laid down for himself and rigidly followed in the first critical days before he got in: touch with the REDS, in spite of hunger and discomfort, almost certainly saved him from capture. He must have thought that he had almost no chance of getting away - he knew nothing about the set-up - and it would have been so easy to take unjustified risks through desperation, which would have played into the enemy's hands. I am sure you will agree that what he did is most praiseworthy, and deserves some recognition.

"He has promised to call on you, and I think he will do so; you will be interested, I am sure, to talk the thing over with him, and it is very fortunate that he is such a pleasant and intelligent chap. He is, of course,100% pro-RED. From what he tells me, they seem to have excelled themselves and done the first-class job of work of which we know they are capable when they really try, but of which we saw so few examples when "cooperating" with us! They naturally went all out to show themselves up in the best light. After KERR contacted them, he says

DP/5 d/7/4/44  MOST SECRET AND PERSONAL Sheet 2

there was never a thrill throughout the whole thing; they refused to accept any money, though he had several thousand dollars with him, nor would they take his gun (a telling contrast with what happened to the B-25 crew who came down so much nearer WAICHOW in "FREE CHINA"!) He spent almost the whole of his time in the MA ON SHAN area, from which they said they dare not attempt to move him until Japanese searching grew less strict, so there is no question of their detaining him for any other than military reasons. When he finally got under way, he saw first Capt. TSOI and then TSANG SHANG himself (RAYMOND interpreting!)

"I think you will agree that KERR's report is of some importance to our work - whether the Americans, who you already told me are very interested in the REDS, will become even more interested now, I do not know, but it seems not unlikely to me. Anyway, I have done my best to find out as much as possible from him and I think I have been fairly successful, At first ho was rather reticent, and I think it was only when he realised that I really knew personally many of the men whom he had met that he began to be really frank. If be has kept anything back from me, which I doubt, then perhaps it is criticisms of the B.A.A.G.

"The REDS took great pains to convince KERR:
(1)    that their organisation is efficient. In this they were, as always when they try, completely successful
(2)    that right is on their side in the "civil war". Naturally KERR is not so convinced of this - the whole set-up was a complete surprise to him - and he was shrewd enough to see that there must be two sides to the question.
(3)    that they were most anxious to help in the Allied war effort by supplying Intelligence and - they specially mentioned this - by guerrilla and sabotage work. KERR is much impressed by this and believes that much good work could be done.

“In support of their offer of cooperation, they gave him a fairly complete account of the relations of the B.A.A.G., with them, including the SUNSET PLAN and the FRIGATE disaster. They made cunning play on these two motives, contrasting the former - an example of the best possible answer, only possible with their help - with the latter, a bad second-best yet NOT possible without their help (they know their stuff, these boys! It sounds most convincing, as you will agree, I think, to a newcomer). they said that B.A.A.G. relations with them hud once been excellent, but were now, to their regret, more or less cut off on account of (a) the FRIGATE incident and (b) the difficult position of the B.A.A.G. with relation to the Central Government. They went through the old old arguments about LAU PUI, and produced in support of their case a proclamation dated 19 Feb 44 (which I have seen) incorporating LAU PUI's unit in the Communist Forces, and making special mention of the "unfortunate occurrences in the past which might have made LAU PUI seem unworthy of inclusion in the anti Fascist etc." : They told him that some of the drugs which they used on his burns (not serious) were supplied by the B.A.A.G.

DP/5 d/7/4/44.    MOST SECRET AND PERSONAL     Sheet 3

"They gave him a very carefully written letter to General CHENNAULT (which I have seen) giving a full account of their position and aims (but making no mention of communism, which they did not stress at all with KERR, of course), and accompanied with a map showing the area they control and operate in (they claimed less on this map than I would have given them, if asked to guess). The letter makes a specific offer of cooperation, and suggests that the general get in touch with them so that work may be done in future, and saying that the best of all would if Gen. CHENNAULT would send a representative to keep in touch with them. KERR only showed this to me after considerable hesitation, I think, because he did not at first tell me he had such a letter. I of course,made no attempt to persuade him to show me anything. When I had seen the letter, he asked me whether I thought he ought to show it to his authorities, or try to have it delivered! I said that I thought he ought to hand over everything he has (he has several RED newspapers etc) and make as full a report as possible of everything he knows.
I told him I thought topside would be most interested.

"That is about the gist of it. I hope you will have a chance of a good long talk with KERR. As I have said, I cannot be sure that there was not some sort of pro-American anti-British stuff, which he would naturally not repeat to me. But really I have no reason to suspect this, except that I had an idea before that they might take that line, as I said in a previous letter.

"I do not think KERR realises that I am writing such a full report of all he has told me - he fully realises the need for security - and it might be as well to let him tell you himself, if you get the chance. But I realise that you will probably not have as good a chance as I have had, so I thought it was important for me to get the whole thing down on paper at once for you."

2. KERR called on me immediately on his arrival in KWEILIN and confirmed all that RONNIE has said above. We did not have time for a long talk, however, as he said he naturally had to report to his own authorities first and was then going in to hospital. I have since heard that he was flown straight to hospital in KUNMING, which is perhaps significant. He has promised to see me again on his return. 

3.    I informed you in my cipher signal 212 DON dated 27 March, that the Americans were setting up their own W/T Station in WAICHOW. This has now been confirmed by RONNIE who has received a communication to that effect, requesting "cooperation", from Captain LYNN, 14 U.S.A.A.F. Liaison Officer with VIT War Zone H.Q. at KUKONG. I have questioned the local Americans about this and they say they know nothing about it and imagine it must be done direct by General CHENNAULT from KUNMING.

4. Further, I have just heard from ARCHIE HUNT, who has been unable to return to his Forward Post at TSINGYUN as VII War Zone H.Q. will not renew his pass (my Signal 198 DON of 24 March) and must therefore wait for his new National Military Council pass from CHUNGKING, that LYNN has informed him that he will shortly be setting up a W/T station at TSINGYUN also.

DP/5 d/7/4/44. MOST SECRET AND PERSONAL      Sheet 4.

5.    The above, coupled with the remarks of various American Officers of M.I.S.X, (equals M.I.9) who have called on me recently, to the effect that it has been agreed between LONDON and WASHINGTON that China, with the exception of the B.A.A.G. in the HONG KONG area, is an American theatre for M.I.9 work, tends to show that the Americans are coming in strong and possibly intend to squeeze us out. I have heard of this alleged agreement from American sources only so far, and have no idea what discussions are going on at the present time in India, but on the face of it it does look as though, once again, where we have blazed the trail the Americans walk, in and take over.

6.    All my meetings with these American M.I.S.X. officers have been very cordial and they have frankly told me of their plans. They are already moving up into the FUKIEN - KIANGSI -CHEKIANG area, to cover the FORMOSA and SHANGHAI P.W. Camps, where, of course, we are not yet operating. What our future plans are in this respect, I have no idea, so my chief role has been that of listener. I have gathered the impression, however, that whilst only too willing to "cooperate", by exchanging information with us and learning from us, the Americans have every intention of regarding China as their theatre and seeing that no one else butts in. They agreed, however, that although they had all the facilities for carrying on their work from the Chinese Government (which we lack), they lack the personnel with China experience and knowledge of the language and might be glad to have British Officers with the necessary experience attached to their units in the field. One American, however, went so far as to say that in such case they would have to be " typically American Britishers" and “not only look, but also talk and act, like Americans". I replied that it might be difficult to find British Officers with all these qualifications!

7.    I imagine the positions will be clarified on Colonel RIDE's return, but I write this to keep you informed of the way the wind blows in the meantime.

Yours sincerely,

EDG Hooper

Copy to G.S.I. (e), G.H.Q.,
New Delhi.


The following report describes Goodwin's view on conditions in the POW camps in Hong Kong.

SECRET
0103/3995(I.W).
16th Dec. 1944.    Copy No..18
20 Oct. 44

INTERROGATION REPORT NO. SKP/5/44

Escapers Serial No. E/5
Name and Rank: Lt. R.B. GOODWIN
Unit: R. N. Z. N. V. R. 
Date of Capture: 25 Dec. 41.
Date of Escape: 17 Jul. 44.
Date of arrival in British hands : 3 Aug. 44.

MAIN REPORT

1. Brief History

E/5 was 1st Lieutenant of M.T.B.10 2nd M.T.B. Flotilla HONGKONG from 8 Oct. 41 until he was wounded in the thigh on board on 21 Dec. 41. At the time of the surrender of the Colony, he was in hospital in the University buildings. The Japanese put the hospital under Japanese guards, but in most cases the patients were not interfered with in any way. He was moved around from the University hospital to QUEEN MARYS Hospital, thence to R.N. Hospital, and finally to ST ALBERTS Convent where he was discharged and sent to NORTH Point P.W. Camp on 25 Feb. 42. He remained there until 18 Apr. 42 when all naval personnel were moved to other P.W. camps, the officers to ARGYLE St., and the men to SHAMSHUIPO Camp. On 11 May 44 he was moved to the offrs camp in SHAMSHUIPO where he remained until the date of his escape.

2. Camp Conditions.

(a) Number of Camps

All British P.Ws. in HONGKONG except those in hospital and gaol are in SHAMSHUIPO Camp.

This camp is divided into two, the officers camp containing approx. 455 all ranks and the O.Rs. camp holding approx. 900 all ranks. Sick all ranks are sent to BOWEN Road Hospital

Appx. I comprises a list of all ranks held in SHAMSHUIPO officers camp. This list is correct up to 37 Jul. 44.

Indian P.Ws. are held in the former officers camp at ARGYLE St. Numbers are unknown. E/5 does not know whether Indians are still in MATACHAUNG Camp opposite ARGYLE St.

(b) Description of Officers Camp SHAMSHUIPO (To be read in conjunction with Appx. A.)

Sentries were stationed at points marked on Appx. A, 'O' is a sentry box and 'X' is a raised sentry post. A sentry patrolled regularly the fence between the officers camp and the garden belonging to the O.Rs., and is marked 'SENTRY PATROL'. Sentries were armed with rifles and bayonets.

- 2-

Usually about fourteen sentries were stationed at the guardhouse where a supply of S.A.A., grenades and at least one L.M.G. were kept.

During air raids or any other alarms, the L.M.G. was mounted in a circular post S.E. of the guardhouse, and approx. twenty additional sentries from JUBILEE buildings were stationed about the officer’s camp.
E/5 has no knowledge of sentry posts around the O.R’s camp.

During one air raid, about twenty men came from barracks on a road NORTH of SHAMSHUIPO Camp, and manned the northern fence.

A sand bagged sentry post was kept constantly manned on the roof of a building about 400 yards NORTH of the eastern side of the camp. It is believed that the building was formerly the KOWLOON bus depot now used as a repair shop for Jap M.T.

Armed sentries could always be seen on the roads NORTH of the camp, and E/5 thinks that a number of posts were constantly manned on street intersections.

The area NORTH of the camp contained stores of petrol sheds filled with M. T. and godowns filled with Jap stores. It was reasonable to assume that the road approaches were well guarded, and it was the risk of moving on these roads that decided E/5 to swim from the camp. This fact was also a deterrent to other officers in the camp.

When additional wire was being placed round the camp, a working party of from fifty to sixty Jap O.R’s was employed. This party came from the area of JUBILEE buildings.

A number of Japanese officers and N.C.Os from houses near ARGYLE St., Camp moved to JUBILEE buildings.

On top of a bare hill WEST of the KOWLOON reservoir, the Japanese maintained a guardhouse which at a guess accommodated about twelve men.

(c) State of Health

A wound received on 21 Dec. 41 kept E/5 in hospital until 25 Feb. 43 ((Sic. should be 42)) when he was sent to the NORTH POINT CAMP. The appearance of the officers and men there gave him a great shock, they looked so thin and miserable. He was told that there had been a great many cases of dysentery but that the epidemic was then nearly over. It was just as well for the dysentery hospital was a terrible place. The building allotted had been a stable close to the waterfront. There were no windows, and the floor was rough cobblestones on which the patients lay with usually only a ground sheet or a blanket beneath them. There were too many patients there to allow the floor to be washed out properly and the air was foul with the smell of human excrement which adhered to blankets and lodged between the cobblestones. The Japanese would allow no other accommodation.

- 3 -

On 1 Mar. 42 the camp doctors prepared a statement for the Japanese pointing out that, on a calory basis, P.W’s were all being slowly starved to death. There were more then 40 cases of beri-beri, and these were increasing rapidly.

During the first ten days of Apr. 42 no meat or vegetable were supplied by the Japanese, and this resulted in a sudden increase in sickness. Dysentery, fever, beri-beri, vomiting and other stomach disorders became very prevalent.

On 5 Sep. 42 four officers arrived from SHAMSHUIPO Camp, and they reported that there had been a very bad epidemic of diphtheria there, a large number of cases being fatal. Serum had just been received from JAPAN, and they expected the situation to improve.

One of the batmen developed acute appendicitis on 23 Sep. 42 and Surg. Cdr. CLEAVE operated. The Japanese allowed the operation to be done at the Hospital attached to the Camp, where there was an operating table, but no other facilities, and the patient had to be carried straight back to own camp hospital after the operation. CLEAVE had not been allowed to retain his instruments, so he used a razor blade for this and several more operations performed at subsequent dates.

Although there were four fully equipped hospitals in close proximity to ARGYLE St. Camp, two of them actually adjoining the camp, the Japanese never allowed our doctors to use an operating theatre or any other hospital facility, and urgent operations were performed in conditions little better than those to be found in a frontier war zone.

5 Oct. 42 saw a great number of officers stricken with vomiting and diarrhoea, and when the Japanese were informed, they quickly took tests from which they asserted that three patients had cholera and others were suspects. The camp was disinfected, and some huts isolated. No more cases developed.

In November several cases of diphtheria occurred and everyone had to wear face masks that were disinfected daily, while one or two huts were isolated again.

The Japanese were always quick to act when sickness that might become an epidemic developed, not out of consideration for P.W's but because of the danger to their own troops.

Lt. HUIDEKOPER R. NETH, Navy, arrived from SHAMSHUIPO Camp on 29 Nov. 42 and he reported that the men there were having a very bad time with mal-nutritional complaints. Electric feet, beri-beri, pellagra and semi blindness were very prevalent.

The Camp Commandant made a speech on 27 Jan. 43 in which he told P.W’s that if they got sick it was their own fault, but after a diet of plain rice only for some days, the statement did not ring very true.
Owing to increasing number suffering from deficiency diseases, a further complaint was lodged with the Commandant on 9 Feb. 43.

    - 4 -

During that month, P.W's received only rice and a few chrysanthemums daily, and most of them were feeling weak with the lack of suitable food. More than half the camp was affected by beri-beri, partial blindness or some other deficiency complaint.

Pte. SCHILLER, H.K.V.D.C., arrived from SHAMSHUIPO on 28 Feb, 43, and he reported that the rations had been increased there, resulting in an improvement in the condition of the men,

Lt. EARDLEY, H.K.R.N.V.R. , returned from BOWEN RD. Hospital on 5 May, 43, and he reported that though conditions at BOWEN RD. and SHAMSHUIPO had been improved, there were still 900 cases of deficiency diseases at SHAMSHUIPO, out of a total camp strength of 2100. In ARGYLE St. on this date there were 178 out of a camp strength of 540 in receipt of medical attention for deficiency complaints. Later in the month there were 161 Cases of electric feet, beri-beri, etc., and 90 cases of eye trouble.

On 19 Mar. 43, Surg. Cdr. CLEAVE told E/5 that there had been 300 deaths in BOWEN RD. and SHAMSHUIPO, the great majority due to malnutrition and sheer neglect. Failure by the Japanese to supply the necessary drugs was the main fault.

Officers who returned from BOWEN RD. Hospital on 25 May 43 reported that conditions there were reasonably good, and at the same time P.Ws, had a report from SHAMSHUIPO that there were 400 still in hospital there though most were convalescent and there were few serious cases.

On 19. Aug. 43, Canadian officers from SHAMSHUIPO reported that there were still 350 in hospital there, and that the general health of the comp was not good as all the fittest men had been drafted to JAPAN.

The weights of most officers were steadily falling, and on 31 Dec. 43 the camp doctors submitted the report detailed in para (d) to the Japanese. Possibly as a result of that, the rice ration was increased in January, and the Japanese began to check weights, height, etc. They had forms printed for entries to be made every 3 months for 3 years.

The health of the camp was rapidly deteriorating during Jan. 44, and the Comp Commandant stated that this was solely due to lack of exercise, and demanded that P. T. should be compulsory every morning. He refused to discuss rations or anything else until this was done, though he said he could not order officers to do P.T. Volunteers were called for and token P.T. classes were started.

At that time there were a great many cases of pellagra of the mouth, tongues and throats sore, inflamed and the skin split. With some, this persisted for months and made eating very painful.

On 17 Feb. 44 Sub. Lt. Fraser. H.K.R.N.V.R., suddenly developed an intestinal blockage and Surg. Cdr. CLEAVE rang up Dr. SAITO for permission to operate at the Indian Hospital. Dr. SAITO refused to allow it, and

- 5 -

told CLEAVE to defer the operation until the following day. CLEAVE said the patient would be dead by then, so he operated at the Camp Hospital on an ordinary table under lighting improvised by the camp electrician.

A Japanese Supply Officer inspected the camp on 15 Mar. 44, and after a list of those short of blankets and shoes had been taken, he made a speech in which he stressed the great difficulty, in fact almost impossibility, of obtaining replacements, and also the great difficulty of obtaining food supplies. In fact, he virtually told P.Ws that he realised they were very short but ho could do nothing about it.

This was not very encouraging for the health of the camp was still deteriorating; there were 150 cases of semi-blindness and a great deal of pellagra. Burials from the Indian Camp had been at the rate of two or three a day for about a month, and CLEAVE told E/5 that if the rations were not improved, he was afraid they would be having deaths in the camp.

The first bulk supplies of beans and bran were sent in by the Red Cross on 4 Apr. 44 but owing to the serious reduction in the rice ration as set out in para (d), the downward trend of weights was not immediately checked, and the average loss during Apr. was 5.1 lbs. per man. Some tall officers went down by 10 lbs., a tremendous drop considering how thin everyone was already.

After the transfer to SHAMSHUIPO Camp in May, 44, beans, bran, sugar and other supplies from the Red Cross came in in increasing quantities, and conditions were greatly improved.

The following is on extract from Medical Circular No.2., issued to the camp on 15 Jul.44.

EXTRACT FROM CIRCULAR

"In Apr. 44, the diet produced 1764 calories per man, per day.
  " May  "    "    "    "      1891    "      "    "    "    "
  " Jun. "    "    "    "      2161    "      "    "    "    "

The increases in May and June were due to Red Cross Supplies, It was considered that P.W’s required 2,500 calories per day, so the June rations plus what they could buy in the canteen achieved that. Protein requirements were 50 grammes daily. In May P.Ws. received 39 grammes, in June, thanks to Red Cross, 58 grammes. The camp was woefully short of vitamins, especially B1 and B2. The most obstinate diseases were gastroenteritis and avitaminosis in their many forms (diarrhoea, dyspepsia, pellagra, beri-beri, etc.) all directly due to malnutrition, excessive carbo-hydrates and lack of vegetables. Both types of disease recently showed some improvement. On 30 June, 44 there were 145 avitaminotic cases under treatment. The diet is barely sufficient to keep a man well, everything depends on the additions he can make to it.

Drugs are very short and increasingly difficult to obtain".

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Everyone in camp was vaccinated and inoculated regularly against typhoid and cholera.

When the flour issue for bread making ceased, the camp doctors requested a few bags for making yeast for hospital patients. The request was refused, the Japanese stating that there was no more flour in the colony. This was untrue as they saw occasional truck loads passing ARGYLE St. Camp until we left there.

Produce from the camp garden and poultry farm was invaluable to the patients, all eggs, sometimes 20 to 30 a day, and the best quality vegetables, were delivered to the hospital daily.

Information was received on 15 May 44 that there were approximately 900 in the O.R's camp at SHAMSHUIPO, of whom 480 were in hospital.

From the above report, it will be seen that it is of the utmost importance that supplies through the Red Cross should be maintained and increased if possible, and unceasing efforts in that direction should be made.

(d) Food and Fuel

The food situation in NORTH PT. Camp when E/5 arrived was shocking. Since their capture they had lived mainly on rice, supplies of meat and vegetables having been very erratic. During Feb. the situation had been improved by the receipt of supplies of flour, ovens had been built, and bread was issued daily. Even so, the rations were not sufficient to maintain the prisoners in health, and on 1 Mar. 42 the Camp Doctors prepared a statement for the Japanese, showing that on a calory basis P.Ws. were being slowly starved to death. At that time there were already more than forty bases of beri-beri in the camp, and the Commodore made representations to the Japanese to have the rations Increased.

During Mar. 42 the rations were 1/2 lb. rice, and usually some vegetables. Occasionally there would be on egg or a little meat or fish. Fish was supplied at the rate of 26 lbs, for every 200 men, but it did not come with any regularity. Parcels were allowed into the camp once a week, and on 16 Mar. 42 a canteen lorry came in with a small supply of goods. These were not nearly sufficient to meet the demand, and had to be rationed, but most of those with money were able to buy something to help the rice down. The canteen was allowed in only once a week, so it did not make much difference to the food situation, especially as only a very limited number had any cash.

The last two weeks of March saw an improvement in the rations, but for the first ten or twelve days of April P.W's were supplied with nothing but rice. This caused a sudden increase in the number of sick, many cases of dysentry, fever, vomiting, beri-beri and various stomach disorders being reported.

From 3 Apr. 42 all officers were paid, and on 18 Apr, the naval ratings were transferred to SHAMSHUIPO Camp, while the officers went to ARGYLE St. Camp where they were joined by most of the army

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officers from SHAMSHUIPO. During the next few months rations, though small, were supplied with fair regularity, but on 22 Jul, 42 P.W's received their last issue of frozen meat. The low diet gradually had its effect, and as the year progressed many cases of malnutritional diseases occurred. Oct. was a very bad month, nothing supplied but rice and daikons. Daikons are a variety of long white turnip, hot like a radish. P. Ws. ate the tops too, as they were the only greens they could get.

On 28 Nov, 42. P.W's eached received a Red Cross parcel and an issue of bulk stores, such as sugar, dried fruits and cocoa, and it was a pathetic commentary on the state to which P.W's had been reduced to see how pleased everyone was with this gift.

Rations during Dec. 42 and Jan.43 were again very poor, rice only on many days, rice and a little cabbage or rice and chrysanthemums on others. Thirty sacks of Red Cross sugar were delivered to the camp on 13 Feb, 43, but all that month P.W's had only rice and a small quantity of chrysanthemums each day. Most P. W's were feeling weak from lack of food, and a protest was sent to the Commandant about the shortage of food.

They received a certain amount of grim amusement from the following advertisement which appeared in the Hongkong News on 13 Feb. 43 :

"Genuine pre-war Patent Medicines, including Vitamins, Yeast, Calcium, Tonics against Malnutrition.
Suitable for Internees, etc."

Early in March 43 P.W's learned from arrivals from BOWEN RD. Hospital and SHAMSHUIPO that conditions at both places had been recently improved. The men in camp were receiving 2 oz. of tinned meat per day, rolled oats three times a week, and fairly frequently half a tin of M & V.

A very valuable addition to P.W. rations was made on 7 Mar. 43, when 40 four-gallon-tins of ghee and a number of bags of atta were sent in, E/5 assumed that these were from Red Cross supplies, but was not sure.

During the early months of 1943, P.W's were supplied with filthy broken rice of the very poorest quality, alive with weevils and packed with large white maggots in silken cocoons. It was so bad that after many protests the Japanese finally agreed to allow a 40% wastage

On 27 Apr. 43 a lorry load of atta arrived in camp, and on 19 May some more ghee and a small quantity of dried pears. These last were obviously the sweepings from some store, and many of them were in a rotted and disgusting condition. They had to be carefully picked over and well boiled before the camp doctors would allow them to be issued.

In spite of the Red Cross supplies, the atta and the ghee, everyone was steadily losing weight, and during May 43 E/5' s own weight went down by 4 lbs., a considerable drop when it is remembered that P.W’s were all very, much under weight as it was.

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More Red Cross parcels were sent in on 10 Jun., but only 135, of which 26 had been partially rifled, came in for the 535 in camp. In addition to the parcels P.W's also received 50 bags of atta, 19 bags of sugar, 960 tins of M & V, 1,296 eight-oz. tins of meat,, 450 lbs. of dried peas and some tea and cocoa. As the number of parcels was so small, they were broken down, each hut receiving an equal portion of the contents, and then P.W's drew lots for individual shares. The Japanese informed P.W's that there were no more parcels, and even if there were they would not receive them.

One could well believe this, for behind the fence round the Japanese headquarters down the road a pile of hundreds and hundreds of empty tins was accumulating, and all of these were the remains of some Red Cross supplies.

When the pile had reached nearly to the top of the fence a Jap working party dug a large trench and buried them all. Even as late as Sep. 43, when batmen from our camp went to the Japanese store for some rice, they saw a pile of about 160 Red Cross parcels still there.

Flour ran out at the end of Nov. 43, and P.W's had no bread until 21 Dec., when enough flour for three bread issues was sent into camp. Then at the end of Dec. enough flour arrived to last till the end of Jan. 44, from which time they had no more bread, and the Japanese informed P.W's that there was no more flour in the Colony. The daily ration per man had been 13 1/2 oz. of rice and 3 3/4 oz. of flour, or, when no flour was available, 17 1/4 oz. of rice.

In an endeavour to have rations improved, the camp doctors prepared a report, which included the following table of food supplies on a per capita basis for two successive months in 1942 and 1943. The table speaks for itself.

REPORT OF MEDICOS. DEC. 1943.
_______________________________________________________
            :              1942            :           1943            :
____________:   OCTOBER      :  NOVEMBER   :   OCTOBER   :  NOVEMBER   :  
            :         : Cal- :      : Cal— :      : Cal-  :     : Cal- :
____________:    Grams: ories: Grams: ories: Grams: ories: Grams: ories:
Rice________:    437.3:  1560: 435.0:  1553: 384.0:  1371: 384.0:  1371
Flour_______:    123.2:   453: 123.5:   453: 100.0:   368:  65.0:   239:
Fish________:     43.6:    23:  43.5:    23:  55.6:    30:  59.0:    32:
Peanut Oil  :     15.0:   118:  18.5:   142:  14.4:   113:  13.0:   103:
Sugar_______:      7.2:    29:   6.0:    25:   4.0:    16:   4.5:    18:
Grn.Vegs.   :    260.0:    60: 240.0:    55: 274.0:    63: 387.0:    89:
Beans______ :      2.9:     9:   1.0:     4:  63.0:    54:  20.0:    17:
Sweet       :         :      :      :      :      :      :      :      :
  Potatoes  :    100.0:    86:  63.0:   140:  20.0:    17: .....:......:
Calories per man             :             :             :             :
_______per day:          2338:         2395:         2032:         1869:
Average calories per man per day for the two months in 1942 = 2,366;
                                                    in 1943 = 1,950.

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From 13 Jan. 44 the rice ration was increased to 600 grammes per day, 21.09 oz., and that amount was being cooked, until 20 Mar. 44. On that day the rice stock was exhausted, and when the Japanese were asked for more they informed P.W's that from 1 Feb. 44 the ration scale had been reduced to 480 grammes, and that the rice supplied should have lasted until the end of March. The Japanese supply officer had failed to notify either the camp or the Commandant of the change of scale, and though the error was entirely his, he insisted that rice for the remaining ten days of March should be drawn from April's supply, the daily issue being reduced accordingly. This would have put P.W's in very serious straits indeed, and at a conference of the Commandant, the Supply Officer and the Camp Executive, held on 21 Feb, 44 the Japanese agreed to send in rice for April and May, and to allow P.W's to work off the deficit over two months.

The entitlement for 61 days (April and May) at a scale of 480 grammes per head was 30,275 lbs., but the rice supplied was 1,844 lbs. short of that weight. When a deduction had been made for hospital cooking,the daily ration left per capita was 375.5 grammes (13.27 oz.), a tremendous drop from the 21 ozs. P.W's had been having. In view of the great number of deficiency eases already in the comp the strongest representations were made to the Japanese to hove the ration brought up to the full scale of 480 grammes.

P.W's would have been in even worse plight had they not received some Red Cross supplies on 4 Apr, and also used certain canteen reserves (that had been built up unknown to the Japanese) to purchase sweet potatoes and other things to augment rations. The Red Cross supplies included 180 lbs. of dried beans, 400 lbs. of bran, 115 lbs. of sugar and 65 lbs of soya bean powder. The Japanese practised a typical trick with these supplies. The receipt form showed 100 lbs. of soya bean powder, and P.W's had to sign for that amount though they received only 65 lbs., their hosts having stolen the remainder. Other things showed short weight too, but P.W's were used to Jap. methods, for the monthly supply of peanut oil was usually 50 to 60 lbs. short.

Although over the whole period of E/5's captivity, the Japanese had supplied more than the ration weight of vegetables, many of those sent in had very little food value. Prior to Feb. 44, the ration trucks drove into the comp with vegetables, but after 1 Feb. 44 P.Ws. had to draw them from Jap H. Q. They were not informed of the reason for the change, but it might have been one of the following:-

(i) P.W's had been buying extra supplies through the ration corporal on the truck and this may have been discovered, or
(ii) The ration corporal may have been making money on his own account out of the purchase of the supplies for the camp.

Whatever the reason, it was very noticeable that When P.W's drew supplies from H.Q., the quality of the vegetables improved immeasurably, though the quantity

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decreased,    When the trucks were coming direct to the camp, they more often than not received the sweepings of the markets, often large quantities of water spinach or other poor quality green stuff in a disgusting crushed and putrefying condition, but when drawing from H. Q. the vegetables were packed in baskets and were almost invariably in good condition. This was a definite improvement, but the real trouble lay in the type of vegetable supplied. Frequently in a two day supply there would be only sufficient to make one meal, for the weight would be made up with such things as 200 lbs. of cucumbers, and three or four baskets of marrows. These weighed heavily, but went away to water when boiled, and they contained very little food value at all.

In the above report, it will be noticed that there are long periods about which nothing has been written, so a little generalisation might be advisable. The vegetables supplied varied with the seasons, and the Japanese apparently made a point of giving nothing but the cheapest in the market. The result was, that P.W's would have runs of a month or six weeks when only one variety would be sent in, and of these the most outstanding were daikons, egg-plants, water spinach and pumpkins or marrows. Daikons were sent in for such a long period at one time that many officers became nauseated with them and large quantities had to be buried. There were also several bad periods when P.W's received nothing but potato tops or chrysanthemums. The conditions described above lasted until P.W's were removed from ARGYLE St., to SHAMSHUIPO Camp in May 44, but, before closing the ARGYLE St. account, it is necessary to make reference to the great contribution that was made to the rations by the camp gardeners.

The Japanese allowed P.W's to use an area opposite the camp that had previously been a market garden, and when ARGYLE St. was closed down there were about 3 1/2 acres under cultivation. This area produced a steady output of excellent vegetables for the camp, lettuces, spinach, cabbages, sweet potatoes, tomatoes and sweet corn, and during March 1944 the total weight of vegetables brought into camp from the garden was over 5,000 lbs. Of course, over the whole period, what was grown was only a very small fraction of P.W. requirements, but it did help considerably.

During May 44 all personnel from ARGYLE St. Camp were moved to SHAMSHUIPO, the last party arriving there on 22 May, and on 27 May some Red Cross supplies were sent into the camp. These included bran, soya bean powder, brown sugar and shark oil. This supply was followed by a further generous issue on 19 Jun. 44, when P.W's received 900 lbs of bran, 1300 lbs. of beans, 200 lbs, of sugar, some lard and some soya sauce. The Japanese rations were very poor at that time, and P.W's were extremely pleased to see the Red Cross supplies coming along fairly regularly, apparently intended to be a monthly issue. On 1 Jul 44 5 bags of beans, 380 lbs of bran, some sugar, lard, peanut butter, soap, shark-oil and sunglasses were received, E/5's written comment at the time being that "P.W's would be having a damned thin time if it were not for these supplies".

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Besides having bran cooked with the breakfast rice and a plentiful supply of beans cooked in the vegetable stews, it was decided to issue a slice of "bean cake" once a week.    This "cake" was made on a weight per head basis of 5 ozs. ground rice, 1 1/4 oz. ground beans and 3/4oz. of bran. Cooked in bread tins in a large "steamer", this was a very palatable success and a valuable addition to the fare.

Generally speaking, when E/5 left the camp on 17 Jul. 44 everyone was feeling the benefit of the bettor food, and he feels sure that if the Red Cross supplies continue to be received, the number of cases of malnutritional complaints would greatly diminish. One of the interpreters remarked in April that they had had orders from TOKYO to look after P.W's better, and it may have been due to those orders that the Red Cross supplies were allowed to be distributed to the camp.

There were still two other sources of food supply, one being from parcels sent into the camp and the other being from the canteen.

From 20 Jul. 42 parcels were allowed to be sent into camp by relatives or friends of prisoners. An organised effort was made during 1943 to increase the number in camp receiving the benefit of parcels, and this resulted in many more officers being able to send money out to contacts, who were willing to go to the trouble of assisting them. Besides private contacts, arrangements were made with the Japanese to allow a Russian firm to send in parcels, and at one time almost three quarters of the personnel in camp were deriving some benefit from outside sources. However, through rising prices, the difficulty of people obtaining supplies outside and the high cost of ricksha transport, many of the contacts proved unsatisfactory after a time, and one obtained better value by spending in the canteen. Still, the parcels were of great help to the camp, those who received good ones being generous with gifts of fresh fruit and eggs to the camp hospital.

From 4 Jun. 42, a canteen bus brought in a weekly supply of goods, and a canteen run on business lines was started in the camp. All kinds of tinned goods were available at first, but as time went on the variety became smaller and prices rose rapidly week by week. Besides tinned goods, sweet potatoes, onions, garlic, soya bean powder, lard and peanut oil were being brought in, but although that sounds as if P.W's could live well, it must be remembered that only limited quantities of some things were allowed in and, prices were so high that they could purchase only a very few articles each month. Dried beans and peas were also allowed in during 1944, Lieutenants, R.N.V.R., and Army Captains received MY75.50 per month, and the following prices, which were in force before E/5 left camp, will show that they could not buy very much. Lard and peanut oil MY38 per lb.; golden syrup (when obtainable) MY19 per 2-lb. tin; soya bean powder (when obtainable) MY12.50 per lb.; small tins of beans (when obtainable) MY5.50 each; sweet potatoes when in season remained at a reasonable figure, about MY1.80 per lb., but these were usually brought in, in only limited quantities.

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The above report, covers fairly the general situation as regards the feeding of the officers' camp, and it is E/5's firm belief that the Japanese carried out a deliberate policy of allowing P.W's to obtain just sufficient food from all sources to keep them on the boundary line between health and sickness, in a state of such low vitality that they would not be fit to cause them trouble in any way. He is absolutely convinced that they took garden produce, parcels and canteen goods into consideration when deciding on what rations they would supply to the camp.

The supply of firewood for the camp was a continual source of trouble, apparently for the Japanese as well as for P.W's. They would rarely bring in a supply sufficient to last for more than a week or ten days, and time after time they would wait until they had completely exhausted the supply before they would take notice of P.W. requests for more. The result was that P.W's were frequently missing one or two meals at a time when they needed them as often as possible.

Except for the last two or three months in ARGYLE St, Camp, when P.W's were receiving a whole month's supply at a time, this struggle to get sufficient wood, and the uncertainty of its arrival, persisted throughout all E/5's period of internment.

(e)    Parcels, etc.

From 10 Apr. 44 private parcels were delivered to the camp twice monthly. These were left at a Japanese office, probably in JUBILEE Bldgs., where the contents were searched before they were delivered to the camp.

All labels were removed from tins, but as for as E/5 knows, no tins were ever opened. Bread or buns were not allowed to be included. No personal contact whatever was allowed between the donors and recipients of the parcels.    

Bulk Red Cross supplies were delivered to a central store at SHAMSHUIPO Camp, and the share for the officers’ camp came from that store, E/5 does not know if a search was made at the central store, but no search was made after delivery to the officers' camp. When the first Red Cross Supplies arrived at ARGYLE St. Camp, the Japanese searched all through the soya bean powder. This come in 1-lb. paper pockets, and those were all opened and the contents emptied into buckets. Nothing extraneous was found.

(f)    Mail

Officers were allowed to send one postcard abroad and one local postcard each month. A maximum of 25 words was allowed. P.W’s sent these every month, feeling certain that only a very small fraction ever reached their destination.

Inward mail was a complete gamble. On 21 Oct 42 E/5 received a letter from NEW ZEALAND via GENEVA, and this was the first overseas letter to reach the camp. Several officers received their first letters in Jun. 44. Sometimes it would be weeks without any letters coming into the camp at all, but, before E/5 left camp, small bundles were arriving almost daily.

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The most recent, from AUSTRALIA, were dated in Sep. 43. Interpreter NIMURA once told P.W's that there were piles of letters for them down at H.Q. E/5 is sure this was true, because P.W's would receive letters of any date from early 1942 to the middle of 1943. In Apr. and May 44, certain individuals in camp received anything between 30 and 50 letters each. Then the Japanese asked for a list of all those who had received more than 30 letters since they had been prisoners-of-war. Presumably this was done for propaganda purposes, but they would not mention that the great majority of the camp had received only about half a dozen letters.

No parcels were allowed to be sent or received by mail.

(g) Supplies of Amenities

From the end of May 42 until early in 1944 the Japanese gave P.W' s a regular monthly supply of tooth-powder, toilet powder, washing soap and toilet paper. During that period they also received a sufficient supply of tooth-brushes, small face towels.

On two or three occasions thin cotton socks were issued, and on 26 May 44, when the winter was over, thick ones were issued. P.W's also received two cotton singlets, and when those were issued, Majors and above also received cotton underpants. Apparently the junior ranks were considered to be cleaner in their habits!

One khaki shirt was issued to them and also a supply of khaki cloth pull-overs. Those last were excellent, and were a great comfort during the winter, when the cold N.E. monsoon was blowing. The Japanese supply corporal who brought these to the camp was wearing a pair of trousers made of the pull-over material.

Tennis shoes were issued once, but they were of such poor quality that they were completely worn out in from two to three weeks. In May 44 P.W's were issued with a pair of Chinese wooden clogs, they had had one issue previously.

The Japanese occasionally sent in very small supplies of leather and nails for mending shoes, never anything like sufficient to meet the demand, and footwear was very difficult to keep in repair. Most people wore clogs or went bare-footed most of the time, in order to conserve at least one pair of shoes in case of a long march.

Either in Mar. or Apr. 44 after six weeks had elapsed since the last issue, the Japanese informed P.W's that the usual monthly issue would in future have to last for three months.

The soap issued was of extremely poor quality, and if left for a few weeks it would dry out to a thin hard wafer of no value at all.

A shoemaker was permitted to take orders from ARGYLE St. and many officers had shoes and Indian chaplis made. However, the shoemaker had increasing difficulty in obtaining supplies of leather or rubber for soles, and after the middle of 1943 his prices were practically prohibitive.

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Underclothes and khaki shorts could be purchased at the canteen, and once the canteen brought a supply of leather shoes. Those also wore out in from two to three weeks.

Except for a period of about a month in NORTH PT. Camp and the first month in ARGYLE St., cigarettes could always be purchased in the officers' camp. The O.R's were given a very small issue at SHAMSHUIPO Camp.

The Japanese had been continuously asked for a supply of warm clothing and raincoats, and gas capes came in June 1943. Later, a mixed collection of army, navy and air force clothing arrived, mostly in a somewhat dilapidated condition, but E/5 thinks that everyone had sufficient warm clothing during the winter of 1943-1944, and everyone had a raincoat of some kind.

(h) Pay

The Japanese agreed to pay officers at the rates received by officers of equivalent rank in the Japanese Army, and the first payment was made on 3 April 42. That day, P.W's drew three months' pay, rates per month being Lt.Col. MY160; Majs. MY110; Capts. MY62.50; Lieuts. MY25; 2nd Lieuts. MY10.80.    E/5 does not know what the higher ranks received.

P.W's were paid regularly every month from that time.

On 1 Sep. 43, Majors and above received on increase of MY30, Captains and below an increase of MY33.    E/5 understood that this rise had to do with the amount deducted by the Japanese for rations supplied; they were deducting approx, MY30 instead of MY60 as previously. The rates of pay from 1 Sep. 43 were Lt.Cols. MY190; Majs. MY140; Copts. MY95.50; Lieuts, MY58; 2nd Lieuts. MY43.80.

From 30 Oct. 43. the pay P.W's actually received was reduced, Lt.Cols. from 190 to 130, Majors from 140 to 100, Captains from 95.50 to 75.50, and they were told that the balance was being banked to their credit in the Post Office Savings Bank.

Lt. Col. FIELD sent a protest about this to the Comp Commandant, pointing out that P.W's were being forced to assist the Japanese war effort, but this had no result.

Bank books for each officer, all correctly made up-to-date came in on 21 Jan.44, but they were just labelled "Bank Book", and had no name of any bank on them.

When the nine doctors left SHAMSHUIPO for FORMOSA, at the end of Apr. 44, they left a note in which they informed P.W's that all money banked for them had been refunded before they sailed.

On 2 Feb. 43 the Japanese brought in MY1800 for distribution among unpaid personnel. Payment was made at the rate of MY15 per head, and O.R's in SHAMSHUIPO also received that amount. The Naval Dockyard Police and Warrant Officers, R.N. , were not recognised as officers by the Japanese, and did not receive regular pay.

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Unpaid personnel received a payment of MY24 per head on 28 Jul. 43, and E/5 thinks they received further payments later which gave them an average of approx. MY8 per month for that year.

From arrival in ARGYLE St. Camp on 18 Feb. 42, until 23 Jul. 43, a compulsory levy of MY3.20 per month was collected from all officers. The fund created was used primarily for purchasing extra drugs for the hospital and other things deemed essential for the Welfare of the camp. At the some time voluntary contributions were made to a fund from which varying amounts were sent to SHAMSHUIPO Camp, Bowen Rd. Hospital, the Indian Camp, and to the nurses and V.A.Ds. at STANLEY.

In Jul. 43 a Camp Advisory Committee, of which E/5 was a member, was formed, and on its recommendation the compulsory monthly payments were increased to Lt. Cols. MY36; Majs. MY20 and Capts. MY8.

The reason for this increase was that it was decided to pay O.R's in ARGYLE St. a minimum of MY30 per month to enable them to live at the same standard as O.R's in SHAMSHUIPO. SHAMSHUIPO received an issue of bully beef, M & V and oatmeal, which was not supplied to ARGYLE St. A request was made to the Japanese to supply the O.R's in ARGYLE St. with the same rations as given the O.R's in SHAMSHUIPO, but when this failed the MY30 scheme was instituted. Actually, from Jul. 43 until E/5 left camp O.R's and unpaid officers in ARGYLE St. never received less then MY35 per month, including Red Cross money, and during 1944 they were being paid MY40 per month.

At the same time, substantial payments to SHAMSHUIPO Camp and other institutions were made. The maximum sent to SHAMSHUIPO in any one month was MY5000, to BOWEN Rd. MY600, to the Indian Camp, MY600. Those payments varied considerably from month to month, and after the big reduction in pay due to banking in Oct. 43, the SHAMSHUIPO payment dwindled to a few hundreds and the others went down in proportion. E/5 thinks it was in Feb. or Mar. 44 that the Japanese refused to allow any more money to be sent from the camp, and the above contributions ceased. Occasionally, a gift of cash was smuggled to the Indian Camp after the prohibition.

On 10 Feb. 44 the Canadian Officers received MY3000 from the Canadian Red Cross, and they had had a previous payment when in SHAMSHUIPO.

The last extra payment made before E/5 left camp was one received on 28 Mar. 44 of MY15 per head from the British Prisoners Relief Fund, from this gift P.W's were informed that the Japanese had banked MY1000 on their behalf.

In view of the rapidly rising prices, a request was made to the Japanese on 20 Jun. 44 that P.W's should be allowed to draw the money banked for them, but this request was emphatically refused.

(j) Camp Organisation

When E/5 arrived in NORTH POINT Camp on 25 Feb, 42, Gen. MALTBY was the senior B.O. in camp, Commodore COLLINSON the senior naval officer, and Wing Cdr. SULLIVAN

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the senior R.A.F. Officer. These three formed an executive committee, and the camp was run on more or less military lines. The General was spokesman in dealings with the Japanese, the official interpreter being Maj. KERR H.Q. For the work of putting the camp in order O.R's were detailed, and also parties of volunteer officers were formed.

After the transfer of the officers to ARGYLE St. Camp on 18 Apr. 42, the same executive committee administered the camp, with Brig. PEFFERS as senior staff officer.

The camp contained approximately 460 officers and 80 O.R’s as batmen. The cookhouse was organised by Maj. HEDGECOE, MIDDSX Regt., with a staff of O.R's Batmen were detailed to each hut, and also to compulsory working parties ordered by the Japanese,

When the General and senior officers were drafted to FORMOSA, Lt. Col. FIELD become senior B.O. He sanctioned the formation of a Camp Advisory Committee, composed of an elected representative from each rank, to assist him in administering the camp. This committee had too little real power, it was disbanded, and a new committee named the "Camp Committee" under the Chairmanship of Lt.Col. PRICE, R.R.C., was formed. As this Committee was composed of an elected representative from each hut, and it was broken down into a number of sub-committees, each with a specific part of the camp's activities to administer - Finance, Messing, Canteen, etc, This committee functioned very well until the transfer to SHAMSHUIPO Comp in May 44.

At SHAMSHUIPO Lt. Col. WHITE, R. SCOTS, was appointed O.C. Camp, and Cdr. VERNALL, H.K.R.N.V.R. , was appointed O.C. naval personnel by the Japanese, Lt.Col. WHITE stated that the camp would be run on military lines again, and that there would be no more committees.

(k) General Treatment by Japanese

There is a certain background to the following report, and that background is furnished by Colonel TOKANAGA. in charge of all P. W. camps an HONGKONG, a man who showed by all his actions that he had a burning hatred for the British. In E/5's opinion, he, together with Dr. SAITO, head of the Japanese Medicals Corps, was directly responsible for the deaths of hundreds of British soldiers, and it is to be hoped that adequate measures will be taken against him when those become possible.

E/5's first two months as a P.W. were spent in various hospitals, and during that period he saw very little of the Japanese. Apart from occasional visits by officers taking lists of patients, they were left alone, E/5's only experience of Jap methods being when they cleared the Naval Hospital of which he was an inmate. At 0900 hrs, a lorry load of naval ratings drove into the yard, and these were quickly posted round, the grounds and in the building. An officer then read on order stating that the Japanese authorities required the hospital, and that it had to he evacuated by 1700 hrs that day. Anything not removed within that time would be fortfeited to the Japanese. The serious cases went to BOWEN Road, and the remainder to ST, ALBERT'S Convent. P.W's had to submit to the usual search, though nothing was taken and the only incident occurred when a sentry took a ring belonging

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to one of the V.A.Ds. This was reported to an officer who severely reprimanded the sentry, made him return the ring and then apologise for his action. The proceedings were entirely handled by Jap naval personnel, Although some of our stores could not be removed within the stipulated time, most of these were retrieved during subsequent days.

On 25 Feb. 42 E/5 was sent to the NORTH POINT P.W. Camp, and he soon began to learn how the Japanese behaved towards the Chinese whom they had come to "liberate from British tyranny". These instances will serve to illustrate their methods in the days immediately following the fall of HONGKONG. E/5 did not see the incidents himself, but they occurred before dozens of witnesses. For some reason a sentry chased a girl of about eleven on a street adjoining SHAMSHUIPO Camp, and when he caught up with her he bayonetted her in the back. She fell to the road where she was left lying. Later on the sentry took a friend over to the girl and he pushed a stick into the wound to show his friend how deep the bayonet had penetrated. The girl was still alive, but died later.

The second incident also occurred at SHAMSHUIPO, where two young girls were selling buns from a sampan to inmates of the camp. Along with others they had been selling their goods for some time when a sentry decided that he would like some sport. He calmly sat down, levelled his rifle and shot both the girls in the stomach. While the two girls lay dying as their sampan drifted out to sea, the sentry grinned at the prisoners as if he had done something to be proud of.

The third incident happened at NORTH POINT Camp, where a grey haired old Chinaman was walking along on the wrong side of the road. He had probably walked there for more than fifty years and was not aware of the "New Order". A sentry rushed along from the camp guardhouse and clubbed the old man with his rifle butt until he fell to the ground. He was then kicked unmercifully, bayonetted, and then left lying on the roadway for some hours. The attack occurred in the morning, and during the afternoon he was picked up, still alive, and carried in a wheelbarrow to a grassy plot east of the camp. There he was dumped, and there he died.

That was the spirit abroad after the fall of HONGKONG, and the incidents cited could be multiplied by hundreds to gain a true picture of what was happening in the city.

By the time E/5 reached camp, the extremists had been curbed or, more likely, removed, and though a more moderate' element ruled, the sentries still indulged in what brutalities they could. Every day they dragged people from the street to the guardhouse on one pretext or another, and there they punched, slapped, and kicked them, knocked them down time and again, and made them bow between every blow. When one sentry was tired he would call a friend, to carry on, and at times at least six sentries would expend, their energies on the same person or group, of persons. The whole performance was disgusting and revolting, and E/5 saw as little of it as possible.

On 26 Feb, 42, the wife of one of the prisoners smiled at her husband from the opposite side of the road. She was a Chinese lady of high birth, a qualified Doctor of

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Medicine. For her "crime" she was smacked in the face, punched in the chest and kicked on the shins.

On 18 Apr. 42. all naval personnel except the Dutch were moved from NORTH POINT Camp, the naval ratings and  O.R’s remaining at SHAMSHUIPO, while the officers went on to ARGYLE St. After disembarking P.W's all proceeded into SHAMSHUIPO Camp, where Col. TAKANAGA asked Gen. MALTBY and Commodore COLLINSON if they wished to stay with the men or go to a separate camp. TOKANAGA was in his usual vile temper, and he began shouting and gesticulating and pushing the Commodore in the chest.

Four officers were taken out of camp on 19 Apr. 42 for questioning with regard to an escape that had taken place from SHAMSHUIPO, and they were returned to camp on 16 May 42. During the month of their absence they had been kept in filthy cells in SHAMSHUIPO Police Station, they had been slapped and punched when questioned, they had been fed on a little plain rice and water daily, they had not been allowed to wash or change their clothes and they came back to camp covered with lice and looking like sallow wrecks.

30 May 42 saw a typical Japanese incident in the camp. After the evening parade Sub.Lt. GLOVER, H.K.R.N.V.R. was asked for by the interpreter NIMURA, who then proceeded to work himself up into a furious temper, shouting and waving his fist at GLOVER. When this had gone on for some minutes, he called on the Sergeant of the Guard, a big tough, and that worthy proceeded to punch GLOVER in the face, knock him down and kick him about the head and body. This was all caused by GLOVER writing in one his letters that "he had no doubt as to the final result of the war". The interpreter described that statement as an insult to the Imperial Japanese Army.

Two days later Col. PENFOLD, R.A. was made to stand at attention for four hours in front of the guardhouse because of something he had written. 

The guards were always looking for some excuse to exercise their sadistic tendencies, and on 18 Jun. 42 they concentrated on Chinese passing on the street. Besides indulging in slapping and punching they brought two girls to the guardhouse, knocked them about and kicked them viciously in the stomach. Later they brought up a man and after the usual preliminaries beat him about the head with a chair.

Within the camp the guards were continually indulging in petty annoyances. The "Guard Commander", a first class private, could do whatever he liked, and during the whole period of E/5's captivity, no matter how unreasonable his behaviour, he was backed up by the Camp Commandant. He had several complete changes of guards and several different Commandants, but there was no difference in behaviour.

December 42 was a month when the guards became particularly obnoxious. One morning an officer was walking for exercise up end down the parade ground when a sentry went over to him, smacked his face, indicated that he should go to another part of the parade ground, and then struck the officer with his rifle butt. The camp interpreter was called, and the sentry said the officer was walking within 15 ft, of the fence where he had no right to be. This was the first P.W's had heard of any such regulation, but when a protest was made to the Commandant, he said the sentry was quite right.

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A line was marked off 15 ft. from the wire, but after a few days no one took any notice of it; the Commandant was just backing the sentry's action. Then the sentries began coming into the huts at any hour of the day or night to search some officer's kit. This became very annoying and the Commandant finally agreed that the guard commander should be present whenever a search was made. That put a stop to most of that nuisance. Another day three officers were walking on the parade ground smoking, when the guard commander went along, smacked their faces and threw their cigarettes on the ground. He informed them that there was to be no smoking outside the huts. No order to that affect had ever been issued, but the Commandant said that that was a Jap order, and there was to be no smoking outside. As usual, the restriction lasted for a few days and then was forgotten.

January, 43 was a cold month, and some of the prisoners had been playing soccer on the parade ground for exercise. From 19 Jan. 43 all play was stopped because the ball went into the fence, the reason given being that "P.W's were attempting to cut the wire”. Later in the same month P.W’s were told that they could use a playing field next door if they levelled it off, but when it was nearly finished they learned that the ground was really wanted for a Jap sports meeting. This was one of the petty tricks that were worked in various forms on several other occasions. Actually, after the Japs had had their sports P.W's did get some use out of the ground, but they never kept their agreement either on this or any other occasion, the parties allowed out became less and less frequent and they finally ceased altogether.

At the end of January, 43 a new Commandant took over, and on arrival he mode a long speech, the gist of which was that if P.W's became sick it was their own fault. They had had nothing to eat but plain rice for several days previously, so the speech did not carry much conviction.

A small white dog frequently came round with the Sergeant of the Guard, and on 22 Feb, 43 this animal was killed in a most revolting manner. The sergeant, a typical Japanese full of politeness when it suited him, was on his rounds outside the wire when he suddenly drew his sword and slashed the dog across the face. The blow was not fatal and a sentry then made a lunge at it with his bayonet. The poor beast got away down a steep bank, and it was finally killed about two hours later. The sergeant was quite oblivious of anything unusual having occurred, a rather pointed commentary on the depth of Japanese civilisation and culture.

The guards had all been drinking on 24 Apr. 43, and after dark they come into camp, smacked the faces of a number of officers and made themselves generally obnoxious. Next day they amused themselves by beating up people on the street. The General made a protest about the behaviour of the guards, but of course it achieved nothing, and they continued to be arrogant and, obstructive for several days.

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Dr. SAITO came into the camp late on the afternoon of 12 Aug. 43 and gave orders that forty men should immediately go out and cut the grass on a section between the camp and the Commandant's quarters. He was either drunk or just in a normally foul temper, and he was soon raging and shouting in a completely bestial manner. His reason related to anti-malarial precautions, but he would not listen when informed that not nearly sufficient tools were available. Finally the party was sent out with only about a dozen reap-hooks between them.

Permission had been given for a piano concert to be held on the evening of 12 Sep. 43, but it had just started when the Sergeant of the Guard came in and stopped the performance without giving any reason. This is just one instance of many similar ones that occurred from time to time, petty annoyances and interferences that made P.W's learn to hate.

While going through the batmen’s hut on 16 Sep. 43 the most detested guard commander bayonetted a dog belonging to one of the men. Feeling ran so high in the comp over this incident that the Executive sent out a circular requesting that the murder of the guard commander be deferred owing to the reprisals that would certainly be taken if he met with on "accident" in the camp.

October 43 was a particularly exasperating month, the guards causing some trouble or other practically every day. 19 Oct. offered typical instances. When the gardening party was being mustered the guard noticed that some were not wearing their numbers (they had not been wearing them for months) so he sent them back to put them on. When the party reformed there were three less than there had been in the original party, so no one was allowed to go gardening at all that day. Later in the day a band practise was stopped for no reason.

Day after day the gardening party and other working parties would wait about by the gate, Japanese orders being that they should all be ready to go out by 1000 hrs. Time and again, after the men had waited for an hour or on hour and a half, a sentry would casually announce that there would be no gardening that day. Except on official holidays, not once to E/5's knowledge did they give previous notice of these changes, and the waste of time become so exasperating that many officers refused to leave the camp on any pretext whatever.

In November 43 the Commandant repeated the sports ground trick. He said that P.W's could have the use of the section between his headquarters and the camp if the ground were prepared, but when this had been done the Japs held a sports meeting there and the prisoners were not allowed to use it once.

An order came from Jap headquarters on 16 Jan. 44 that everyone in camp should write on essay of 200 words on:-

(i) Personal experiences during hostilities.
(ii) Impressions of Jap forces held before and after hostilities.

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(iii)    Opinion on the war in general or a particular battle.
(iv)    Tragic sights.

P.W's knew that the Japs wanted extracts for propaganda purposes, so many of them just wrote a lost of nonsense. Unfortunately there were the usual few who played into their hands, but although P.W's saw copies of letters allegedly written in other camps, they never saw any of theirs published.

During January and February, about thirty hens were stolen from the poultry yard, the sentries obviously being the thieves. Rations supplied by the Japanese had been very poor and P.W's frequently missed meals through wood shortage, so that in Feb. 44 there was a great deal of sickness in camp; semi-blindness pellagra, beri-beri, and other diseases caused by malnutrition. The Commandant conceived the idea that P.W. condition was due to lack of exercise, and he requested that P. T. should be done every morning. It was pointed out that the fit people were having sufficient exercise doing camp fatigues, and that P.W's were not having sufficient food to make P.T. advisable. The Commandant's reply was that he could not "order" officers to do P.T., but that he could refuse to discuss firewood or ration problems until it was done. Apparently he could not order P.W's to do it, but he could starve them into doing it.

The Camp Executive had repeatedly asked the Japanese for timber for typhoon supports for the huts and also for very necessary repairs, (most of the huts leaked like sieves when it rained hard) and in February 44 they gave P.W's permission to demolish a damaged hut at the Indian Camp. Actually, two huts were pulled down but the Japs took all but a fraction of the timber for their own purposes. What P.W's did get was mostly rubbish, and in any case they were moved to SHAMSHUIPO before it could be used. It was just another example of their method of using officer labour.

Monsieur EGAL, formerly leader of the Free French in SHANGHAI mentioned the rising prices in HONGKONG in one of his letters. He put no more than appeared in the HONGKONG News, but this offence brought a visit from the interpeter NIMURA and the Commandant, both of whom repeatedly smacked his face and demanded on apology. EGAL is a man of great spirit and he refused to apologise,

There were many small gardens between the huts and on a patch of ground at the ARGYLE St. end of the camp, and these produces lettuces, cabbages and other green stuff which was so essential in P.Ws diet. Also, some really first class tomato crops were produced. On 6 Mar. the guard commander came into camp in one of his obnoxious moods and smashed down many of the plants, an action that was backed up about a week later by an order from the Commandant that all gardens in the camp had to be destroyed. The tomato plants were laden with fruit not quite fully grown, and they all had to go, the excuses being that the sentries needed to be able to see right through the camp, and that if there were no inside gardens more people would go to work at the main garden. This action was a typical piece of nastiness, and it deprived P.W's of a valuable source of fresh food at a time when it was very badly needed.

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An area had been set aside where individuals could do private cooking on small fires, and this privilege was also taken from us by Commandant's order on 7 Mar.

From 10 Apr, parcels were allowed into the camp twice monthly instead of every week as before, another reduction of privilege, and smackings and kickings were of almost daily occurrence. Interpreter NIMURA was one of the chief offenders and he should be suitably dealt with when the time comes. Under orders from TOKYO, Red Cross supplies were coming in regularly every month from March onwards, so in spite of the petty local restrictions P.W's were very much better off for food. Apparently the interpreters and guards were showing their resentment by being as unpleasant as possible.

During May everyone was moved from ARGYLE St. Camp to SHAMSHUIPO, and on arrival there the Commandant made a speech in which he stated that officers had lived very slackly at ARGYLE St., but from then on the camp was going to be run on military lines. Lt.Col. FIELD, R. SCOTS, had been appointed to command the camp and his orders would be backed by the Japanese.

From the time P. W. arrived in SHAMSHUIPO Camp in May until E/5 left on 17 Jul. 44, as far as he knows, no officer was smacked or interfered with in any way by the sentries. The chief trouble came from a Japanese Warrant Officer. This creature had substituted on several occasions for the Commandant at ARGYLE St., and he so much resembled an ape that he was immediately christened 'Jungle Jim' or 'The Gorilla'. P.Ws. soon found that he was as ill-mannered as his appearance suggested, and that he was to be avoided as much as possible. When the hospital patients were being moved from ARGYLE St. to SHAMSHUIPO he thought the truck was being loaded too slowly, so he began to shout and rage and throw stones at the patients to hurry them on.

This Warrant Officer went the rounds of the camp as duty officer on every third day, and he usually made some trouble. One evening he entered a hut and strode rapidly down the middle. Orders were that whenever an officer entered a hut everyone should stand up, but on this occasion he was nearly through the hut before anyone realised he was there. Maj. FARRINGTON, R.M. and another officer were deeply engrossed in a game of chess and did not know he was there, so to make his presence felt the W.O. kicked Major FARRINGTON's stool from under him, kicked him in the back, knocked the chessboard to the floor and smashed the chessman by stamping on them. He later reported to Col. TOKANAGA that he was not treated in the camp "with the respect due to a Japanese officer".

Another night at about 2200 hrs an officer was cleaning his teeth in the bathhouse. Suddenly a torch was pushed in his face through the open window and while he was completely blinded by the glare he received a violent smack on the face. When he recovered he saw the W.O. stamping off on his round. On another occasion, just at dusk, an officer was standing in the doorway at the end of his hut, thinking of nothing in particular, when large stones began to crash against the wall alongside him. He leapt inside for shelter and saw this W.O. hurling rocks into the camp from outside the boundary fence. That was the man who was not treated "with the respect due to a Japanese officer".

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The incidents described above have been chosen as typical examples of the behaviour of the Japanese, and are not by any means meant to be a full report of all that occurred during E/5's term of imprisonment. To gain a true picture of the petty annoyances to which P.W's were subjected, those incidents require to be multiplied many times over. It seems quite likely that, the exhibitions of brutality, temper and arrogance were all part of a deliberate plan to keep P.W's in subjection. There is no doubt that constant nervous tension, combined with semi-starvation, did achieve its object, for the Camp Executive and the majority of prisoners were very much in favour of complying with every whim and wish of the Japanese, and of doing nothing that might cause them any annoyance. Whether that attitude was a correct one or not is a matter of opinion, though since the cards were stacked all on one side an opposite policy would not have been easy.

(l)    Employment of O.R's

Apart from small parties used for moving stores from godowns to the various camps and Japanese H.Q., nearly all the work done by O.R's in SHAMSHUIPO was on the KAITAK Airfield. This was directly opposed to the terms of the GENEVA Convention, which the Japanese declared they would adhere to. KAITAK was a military airfield, and was at all times liable to be attacked by aircraft.

When P.W's arrived in SHAMSHUIPO Camp in May 44, they were informed that working parties were then being employed daily at KAITAK, moving bombs into storage dumps. At one period the men had to march back from KAITAK to camp, and many were so weak that they collapsed on the way. Stretcher bearers accompanied each party to pick up those who fell out.

(m)    Movs. of Offrs. and O.R's

(i)    E/5 has only hearsay infm. on these movs., he does NOT know any definite infm., nor did he see any drafts marching out to embark. His infm. however compares very favourably with other reliable infm. received.

(ii)    18 Apr. 42. All British naval personnel moved from NORTH PT. Offrs. to ARGYLE St., O.R's to SHAMSHUIPO. Approx. 80 O.R's accompanied the offrs. as batmen.

(iii)    5 Sep. 42 Heard that draft of 600 had left SHAMSHUIPO Camp for JAPAN. (This was probably the first draft to TOKYO, consisting of 613 all ranks).

(iv)    12 Sep. 42. Heard that draft of 800 was sailing from SHAMSHUIPO and 15 offrs. were sent from ARGYLE St. to SHAMSHUIPO. (This was. possibly the ill-fated second draft to KOBE. 870 arrived in KOBE, 836 were drowned on the LISBON MARU and 42 were left in SHANGHAI).

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(v)    17 Sep, 42    46 Offrs. left ARGYLE St. for SHAMSHUIPO.

(vi)    23 Jan. 43 Heard that 600 Canadians left SHAMSHUIPO for JAPAN on 20 or 21 Jan. (This may be the third draft to KOBE and NAGASAKI, consisting of 989 all ranks).

(vii)    14 Apr. 43 Heard that those over 60 years, those with amputation, and the blind, were removed from BOWEN Rd. Hosp. to SHAMSHUIPO on 13 Apr. 43. (This confirms a former report.)

(viii)    4 Aug. 43 Full Colonels and above (15) and 7 batmen left ARGYLE St. for FORMOSA. (This was the special draft to FORMOSA, consisting of 20 all ranks).

(ix)    19 Aug. 43 Heard that 400 Canadian and 100 Imperial tps. had sailed for HOKKAIDO ten days previously. (Probably the 4th Draft to TOKYO consisting of 488 all ranks.)

(x)    5 Dec. 43    53 fittest O.R’s from ARGYLE St. moved to SHAMSHUIPO, later joined draft to JAPAN, details unknown -(probably 5th draft to JAPAN, consisting of 492 all ranks).

(xi)    20 Apr. 44 Nine M.0's from ARGYLE St. to SHAMSHUIPO to FORMOSA.

(xii)    4 May 44,    143 offrs. transferred from ARGYLE St., to SHAMSHUIPO.

(xiii)    11 May 44    200 offrs. transferred from ARGYLE St., to SHAMSHUIPO.

(xiv)    14 May 44    50 O.R’s went with M.0's to FORMOSA.
(All above four movs. probably resulted in the sixth draft to JAPAN consisting of 209 all ranks. It is not known whether the M.O's were dropped off at FORMOSA - it is quite possible).

(xv) 22 May 44. Remaining offrs. transferred from ARGYLE St. to SHAMSHUIPO.

(n)    Morale of Officers and O.R's

Information was received in ARGYLE St. Comp that, during the latter half of 1942, the morale of the O.R’s in SHAMSHUIPO, particularly of the Canadians, was very low. At that time rations were extremely poor, there was a very high incidence of deficiency diseases, and the diphtheria epidemic struck the camp. Later, when rations and general health improved, morale rose in proportion.

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In the officers' camp, morale remained at a fairly high level throughout, and in recent months, when the European news became so favourable, it was very high. In both camps, the raids on HONGKONG by the U.S.A.A.F. had a tremendously heartening effect.

The most disappointing feature of the officers’ camp was the manner in which the great majority accepted their prison life and appeared to be contented with it, never entertaining any serious thoughts of attempting escape, or in any way wishing to take part in further hostilities. No doubt this was largely, if not in many cases entirely, due to the lead set by the senior officers, who were so strong in their determination that no one should attempt to escape.

The preceding paragraph is purely E/5’s own personal opinion, and he could write a great deal about the lack of spirit evident in many officers.

(o) Recreation

At SHAMSHUIPO Camp the officers had an area at the northern end of the camp for a vegetable garden, and another area 50 yards square for an exercise ground. The smallness of this area precluded the possibility of playing any games except handball, and it became very monotonous walking up and down or round this small space. As a result, a number of voluntary P. T. classes were started for various age groups, and those did about 20 minutes more or less strenuous exercise in the mornings.

Camp lectures were held three times a week, and these covered any subject at all that might prove of general interest.

A library of approximately 1200 books had been acquired, and this was probably the most important source of recreation that we had.

Except for the few books that individuals had been able to take into camp the Japanese kept P.W's without any reading matter for eleven months. The first 200 books for a library arrived on 10 Nov. 42.

Some time in 1943 P. W’s were informed that the Pope had donated some money, and with this the Japanese bought P.W’s all kinds of sports gear, tennis racquets, hockey sticks, boxing gloves and many other things which were never used because they had no opportunities. Some of the balls were the only things that were really useful, and a net for deck tennis or handball.

From 3 Feb. 43 until E/5 left camp P.W’s received a newspaper, "The Hongkong News", daily, and they were well informed of the progress of the war. European news was always truthfully and fully given, but Far Eastern news was always extremely biassed. However P.W’s had a very good idea of events in this theatre, and the good news from all fronts was a great morale raiser.

Musical instruments for an orchestra and a band were sent into camp during March and April 43.

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Classes for languages, mathematics, navigation, engineering and various other subjects were in full swing, and there were groups interested in particular subjects or sports that held periodic meetings and discussions.

Cards, bridge particularly, and chess, had many devotees, and many of the officers had individual hobbies, such as drawing and wood-carving.

In ARGYLE St. Camp, a number of plays were written and produced, but at SHAMSHUIPO, up till the time E/5 left, there were no facilities for plays or concerts. There was a large hall there, but no lights in it, and the roof leaked like a sieve. P.W's had a camp band which gave concerts at ARGYLE St., also an orchestra to assist with the musical shows, but these had only had practices at SHAMSHUIPO.

With the activities described above, and with the regular camp duties such as wood-chopping, gardening, poultry farming, etc., which were more or less recreational, everyone found plenty to do to occupy their time and it was surprising how quickly the days passed.

(p) Routine

At SHAMSHUIPO officers’ camp there was no particular time for reveille, P.W's paraded for numbering and check at 0845 hrs, then there was about 10 mins. P. T. on fine days and breakfast was served immediately after P.T.

Lunch was served at 1300 hrs., P.W's paraded again at 1700 hrs and the evening meal was served immediately after parade. Lights out at 2200 hrs. All work was voluntary. Tea was served at 0730 hours and at 1600 hours daily.

On Sundays there were Church of England and R.C. Services, and daily Mass was held by R.C’s.

There were a great many officers on regular fatigues, such as gardeners, wood choppers, poultry farmers, barbers, shoe-repairers, tailors, Others looked after the camp office, workshop, the general cleanliness of the camp, the ration store and cookhouse. Nearly everyone took part in some activity for the general welfare of the camp.

The Japanese inspected the camp at irregular intervals, and occasionally made partial searches of kit, but these searches were rarely very thorough, and were not at all systematic. Maps of the war fronts would be confiscated at one end of a hut, while in the same hut large maps of the same fronts would be left fully exposed on the walls.

(9.) General Remarks

When the officers were transferred from NORTH Pt. to ARGYLE St. on 18 Apr. 42, no preparation had been made at ARGYLE St, There was not a nail or a stick of timber left anywhere in the camp, the huts were just bare walls with a concrete floor. There were hundreds of wooden beds standing out in the open at the Indian Camp

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across the road, but it was three weeks before the Japanese would allow P.W's to bring those into their camp, and in the meantime they sat, slept and ate on the concrete floor. When permission was given for beds to be brought in only enough for about half the camp were allowed at first, and it was some months before everyone had a bed.

Mess containers for collecting food from the cookhouse were always very short. The Japanese never supplied any and, P.W’s had to collect tins and buckets from any source possible. Most were obtained by stealing peanut oil tins from the Japanese, but all the time E/5 was in camp at least half the mess tins were in a disgusting state, rusty, leaking, or so badly crushed and crumpled that they could not be washed properly. Everyone became a scavenger, and every working party that left comp came back with pockets filled with nails, screws or anything else that might conceivably be useful in camp. It was amazing the quantity of stuff that was collected in this way, and the huts in ARGYLE St. gradually became more or less comfortable.

When P.W's moved to SHAMSHUIPO they again went into bare huts, but this time everything possible was taken from ARGYLE St. and it was not long before they were reasonably comfortable.

Tools were always difficult to obtain, when P.W's arrived at ARGYLE St., the only things available for cutting firewood for a camp of 540 men were two small Chinese frame saws and a few vegetable choppers. After about two weeks the Japanese brought in a crude saw with a two foot blade, and after some months they received two good saws, and some iron wedges with handles to them. These were so blunt that they bounced off the wood as often as not, and all the time E/5 was in camp they were never given a proper axe or tomahawk. The result was that wood chopping was always very slow and very hard work.

Inflations and the scarcity of all commodities in HONGKONG caused a trading boom to start between the P.W's and the sentries. Gold rings, cuff-links, studs etc., watches, fountain pens, clothing, all were in very strong demand. Good watches were bringing MY 3,000, poor ones MY 500-1,000. An order was issued by the Japanese that all transactions should take place through the camp office and the Commandant, but the great majority were negotiated through the sentries who were only too willing to take the risk of discovery.

Some officers began to steal articles to sell, and at least one, E/5 thinks two, were court-martialled at SHAMSHUIPO for stealing watches.

These were unscrupulous go-betweens, officers who could speak Chinese or Japanese, who were doing well out of the trading.

In both ARGYLE St. Camp and SHAMSHUIPO bed bugs were swarming, SHAMSHUIPO being the Worst, a daily search of bed and mosquito net being essential to keep them reasonably in check. In the O.R’s camp fixed wooden beds

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were installed, but these harboured such vast hordes of bugs that the Japanese finally gave permission for them to be removed, the men preferring to sleep on the concrete to being eaten alive.

Never at any time did the Japanese supply P.W's with more then a fraction of the brooms, brushes, lime and disinfectants necessary to keep the camp in a state of cleanliness.

Distribution by P.W. 3. (Main Report Only)

F.M.
D.F.(d)
D.A.G.(A).
D.P.W.
D.D.P.W.
D.G.A.M.S.
Colonial Office
India Office
Admiralty
Air Ministry
High Commissioners
  Australia
  Canada
  New Zealand
M.I.1, 2, 9.
Cas P/W
F.4. (P/W).
A.M.D.5.
Foreign Office (Prisoners of War Department) 2 copies.
Foreign Office (R. Allen Esq.) 3 copies.


((The KWIZ reports come to an end:))

KWIZ #87

KWIZ stands down.  It has been directed by higher authority that as from 1st March the Kweilin Weekly Intelligence Summary compiled and produced by the British Army Aid Group in China shall contain no information derived from secret sources.  For reasons beyond our control it is found impracticable to continue production of this Summary without such information, and publication in its present form therefore ceases with this issue