Andrew Salmon Personal Diary Pacific 1939-1945: View pages

Introduction

HONG KONG ••• December 1941 was a city lulled into a false sense of security, its people living in the way they had lived for years, under the extreme conditions so typical of the Far East – on the one hand dire poverty among the refugees and peasants, and on the other, luxury enjoyed by the Europeans in their midst. True, there were continual threats of a Japanese invasion and minor incidents did occur on the border between China and Hong Kong, on the other side of which was manned by large bodies of Japanese troops, but these had been present so long that few took the possible danger really seriously. There had always been such scares - why let them interfere with the normal run of life?

It was not until mid-November 1941 that any indication was given that something was about to happen, when two battalions of Canadian troops landed in Hong Kong. The population was vaguely disturbed but still continued to take life fairly easily.

On the 7th December 1941, a move was made which really did point to the shape of things to come. All troops and service personnel were ordered (through messages flashed on cinema screens, broadcasts, announcements in restaurants, etc.) to return to their units. The Hong Kong Volunteer Regiment composed mainly of local civilians, who had given their own time for part-time training, were mobilised. 

At 2.15 a.m. on the 8th December (Hong Kong time) a message was received that war was imminent. Battle plans were at once put into operation, troops deployed, while Government Emergency Laws called up civilians for air raid precautions and other essential work. Hong Kong was now on a definite wartime footing. At 3.1 5 a.m. on the 8th December 1941 the message came through: "WE ARE AT WAR WITH JAPAN".

At that time, I was with 965th Beach Defence Battery, R.A. of the East Brigade at Stanley Fort, at the east end of the Island, the East Brigade consisted of a mixed force of about 2,000 troops. The main armament of the Island comprised two Regiments of Coast Artillery (mainly 9.2” and 6” Guns), a Regiment of the Hong Kong Singapore Royal Artillery (Medium and Mountain Artillery), an A.A. Regiment (3.7”, 3” and Bofors 40mm) and an Independent Defence Battery.

These regular forces were supplemented by units of the H.K. Volunteer Regiment. Infantry troops consisted of units of the Royal Scots and the Middlesex Regiment, the recently arrived Canadian troops, the 5/7th Rajputs, and 2/14 Punjabis.

The Naval forces consisted of one destroyer (HMS Thracian), 2 gunboats, a number of motor torpedo boats (MTB's) and a few small patrol boats, while the only aircraft we possessed comprised of three obsolete 'Vildebeest' torpedo bombers, and two 'Walrus' fleet spotting aircraft.

The first attack by the Japanese came in the form of a lightning bombing raid on KAI TAK aerodrome, destroying practically all our aircraft, with a simultaneous bombing raid on SHAM SHUI PO Barracks in Kowloon. Fortunately, these barracks were empty of troops who had already been deployed to their respective battle locations. These bombing raids coincided with a two-pronged attack by the Japanese forces across the border in the New Territories. Advancing through SHUM CHUN and SHA TAU KOK and infiltrating along the general direction of the Castle Peak and Tai Po Roads. Our troops fighting a rearguard action, retreated to our main defence line along the ridge called the 'GIN DRINKERS LINE', roughly a line along the ridge of the Kowloon Hills stretching from CASTLE PEAK to TOLO HARBOUR. The main area of defence being the redoubt at SHING MUN near the JUBILEE reservoir, manned by the Royal Scots. The rearguard action was fought by the Royal Scots, Rajputs, and 'Volunteers', supported by Medium and Mountain Batteries of the HKSRA.
 

The enemy were held by these positions until the night of the 11th December, when they broke through the thinly held line in the vicinity of SHING MUN REDOUBT. STONECUTTERS ISLAND was evacuated, the Coast Defence guns at MOUNT DAVIS, BELCHERS FORT, PAK SHA WAN, and STANLEY being used to shell the advancing Japanese.

The Castle Peak Road also came under fire from the R.N. Gunboat 'Cicala', operating along the coastline. Kowloon Railway tunnel and the New Territories roads were demolished at strategic points, culminating in the complete evacuation of the mainland on the 12th December 1941. The Rajputs were the last to leave and fought a very valiant rearguard action in the CLEARWATER BAY and DEVILS PEAK area, finally crossing to the Island in the vicinity of LYEMUN PASS.

At this time Hong Kong, covering an area roughly 12 miles by 3, housed about one million Chinese, plus the British, Canadian and Indian forces. There was very little organised protection from the frequent Japanese air raids as the nearest Japanese base was only about ninety miles northwest at CANTON. There were some air raid shelters, but these were hopelessly inadequate for the majority of the population. Water was a tremendous problem, as the main supply had previously been brought through a cross-harbour pipeline from Jubilee Reservoir on the mainland.

On the evacuation of the mainland by our forces, this, the chief supply for Hong Kong was cut off, so that we had to rely on water supplied from small reservoirs on the Island. The continual air raids were an added difficulty, disorganising much of the already depleted water supply. On top of all this, came the great problem of food distribution for the Chinese population. The incessant bombing was, of course, creating havoc among the civilian population and it was not very surprising when this, combined with the difficulty of obtaining food and water, resulted in frequent looting and hoarding of food stores. Hong Kong was now an easy target for an organised attack. At the outbreak of war, there were many ships, both large and small in the harbour and although many were sunk by gunfire to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, quite a number of the smaller craft were eventually captured intact by the Japanese.

After the mainland had been evacuated, the next few days were spent in feverish activity, preparing for the inevitable onslaught against the Island. Ammo dumps, supply depots, and workshops were shifted, as far as possible, from the vulnerable waterfront to safer spots behind the hills to the south. By now, we knew we were completely cut off from all outside help, although rumours were circulating that a large Chinese army would attack the Japanese from China.

We had no air or sea forces, our equipment was mostly obsolete, while the majority of our forces were new to the Colony. For instance, the two Canadian battalions had only arrived on 16th November 1941 and had no previous experience of the terrain on which they were soon to be fighting and were still without their own transport, which was still on board a ship in Manila Bay.

Owing to the great influx of Chinese refugees into Hong Kong during the previous few years because of the Japanese invasion of South China, the Japanese had considerable information regarding our defences as many of these refugees were employed as labourers on the building of military defences and some of them were reporting back to the Japanese. Also, there was a very active fifth column operating in the Colony after hostilities had started, signalling to the Japanese information of military interest. We were now bombed or shelled day and night and although the percentage of "Duds" was high, the shelling, on the whole was remarkably accurate.

On the 13th December the Japanese, under a flag of truce, demanded the surrender of the Colony, but the Governor, Sir Mark Young, summarily rejected this proposal. (This demand was repeated on the 17th with the same reply).
 

On the 16th, Coast Defence guns were turned on to what was left of our shipping in the harbour to prevent capture intact by the Japanese. By this time, most of the mountain and field guns, which had been brought over from the mainland, helped to boost our beach defence positions.

We were faced with daily attacks on forts and positions in Hong Kong, both by enemy aircraft and gunfire from the mainland, while our pillboxes along the waterfront as well as Belcher’s Fort, the Naval Dockyard, Taikoo Dockyard, Lyemun, and Sai Wan Forts, were targets for intensified bombardment. One troop of 18 pdr. guns at Braemar (Quarry Bay) were completely destroyed and most of the Indian gunners killed or injured. Daily bombardments were also being made on the Peak area and Mount Davis, a 9.2" gun position. Incidentally, a large calibre shell fired from the mainland, hit one of the ventilators leading to the "bombproof" plotting room at the 9.2" gun position on Mount Davis. It was deflected down the shaft, and after hitting the floor, rolled across the room and ended up between the legs of a very surprised telephonist - and failed to explode!

From about the 16th and 17th onwards, we were nightly waiting for the expected attack. These nights were incredibly peaceful, with only spasmodic shellfire, and the ships lying in the harbour appeared so ghostly and serene that it seemed fantastic that only a few hundred yards across the water was a large force of Japanese troops waiting to spring. 

In an effort to demoralise our troops the Japanese used to play very sentimental and nostalgic tunes through loudspeakers, one of their favourites being "Home Sweet Home", sung by Deanna Durbin. It is easy to imagine how effective this would be under such conditions. It is hard to put our feelings at that time into words, but I think they are rather well expressed by the following poem, which was made up by one of our officers on the spot: it is probably a little out of place in this attempted record of events, but it is so indicative of our thoughts at the time that I feel this diary would be incomplete without it:

The ghostly ships at anchor lay 
Grey Phantoms of the night,
The soldiers gazed across the bay   
To where the foe in cover lay 
Preparing for the fight.
Behind the mountains grim and bare,               
Like a wounded lion, we lay.
O, that the mother lion were there  
To help defend her peaceful lair,    
And win the hard-fought day.
The soldiers strained their weary sight,  
Alert both eye and ear,
When through the mystic hush of night,
Beneath the tropic wan moonlight,
A sound came, low and clear.
Nay, 'twas not the sound of Death's patrol,         
Nor soldiers in array,
Nor screaming bomb with thunderous roll,
Nor shell to rend the shrinking soul  
From out its quivering clay.
No, not the sounds of battle rang,
But 'cross the waves smooth flow, 
The sweet Deana Durbin sang,
Ah me, it gave my heart a pang, 
This song of long ago.

On the 16th, I accompanied a mobile patrol to make a round trip of the Island to visit our beach defence positions. It may give an insight on general conditions to describe this trip:

Leaving Stanley Fort, where our artillery was firing on strategic points on the mainland, we arrived at Stanley Village to run straight into a dive-bombing attack on Chung Hom Kok (West Bay), a 6” gun position and an A.A. position. The weather was sunny and clear. We went on to visit other beach defence positions along the south side of the Island. Repulse Bay and Deepwater Bay were hives of activity, being screened by hills from Mainland gunfire, while R.E. workshops were under canvas in the vicinity of Bennett’s Hill, having been shifted from exposed positions in Victoria.

On arriving at the foot of Mount Davis we found heavy shelling in progress from Kowloon. Japanese planes were bombing Stonecutters Island in the harbour, in ignorance of the fact that the island had already been evacuated and the naval wireless installations destroyed. An air raid was also in progress on Western Market, a densely populated area, causing many casualties among the Chinese civilians. We went on to Belcher’s Fort where, from the 4.7”-gun position, it was possible to watch Japanese movements as they proceeded along the Castle Peak Road on the other side of the harbour. They were under fire from our artillery. The harbour was littered with sinking or sunken vessels with an anti-invasion net running from the western end of the harbour. Kowloon, itself, seemed to be hardly touched by air raids or the recent street fighting, as our rearguard action, before evacuation, had mainly taken place in the vicinity of Kai Tak aerodrome, but we who had friends among the civilian population shuddered to think of what was happening there, for we all knew that it was the policy of the Japanese Army to allow their soldiers, after capture of a town, to loot and run riot for a few hours.

Leaving Belcher’s Fort (fortunately, as a few hours later it was destroyed by heavy shelling), we ran the gauntlet of snipers and a light artillery gun firing from the warehouse at Holt’s Wharf in Kowloon onto the open stretch of road by the Naval Dockyard. The dockyard and the military barracks nearby were partly in ruins, as were the houses and shops facing the harbour.

At Braemar in the Quarry Bay area, a defence position, we found it under heavy bombardment with a large paint factory nearby in flames, endangering our 18 pdr. ammunition stored close by. We joined in the salvaging of the ammunition and transferred it to slit trenches but, unfortunately, this turned out to be a waste of time as the whole position was destroyed the next day. The thick smoke from the burning factory covered the eastern end of the harbour and made observation of the mainland most difficult. Tai Koo and Sai Wan Ho were also under shellfire as the mainland guns were ranging on the Island Road between Sai Wan Fort and Mount Parker. 

We completed our trip by visiting Beach Defence positions at Shek O, then returned to Stanley which was now being dive-bombed regularly by naval aircraft. One stick of bombs caught our Battery Headquarters, injuring some of the staff.
 

On the 17th December, the Japanese laid a heavy barrage down on the waterfront, especially targeting the numerous pillboxes. Some oil storage tanks at North Point were hit and set on fire, covering the area in dense black smoke. 

On the 18th December, under cover of a further heavy barrage and smoke screen, they started to invade the Island. The attack was made from the Kai Tak area by landing craft and other small shipping, including ferry boats, which had fallen into enemy hands. The landing points were being made along the waterfront from North Point to Pak Sha Wan.

Unfortunately, when a pillbox gave the first warning of an attack to Battle Headquarters, it was ignored until the attack was later confirmed. By the time badly needed reinforcements were sent it was too late, the enemy had already landed in force.

Our 6” Battery at Pak Sha Wan (manned by Gunners of the HKVDC) were firing pointblank at landing craft, junks, rafts, etc., loaded with enemy troops, at a range of 300 yards or less, and continued to fire until they were eventually attacked from the rear by Japanese who had landed in Shau Kei Wan. They were caught unaware, and many were cut down on the gun platforms. Some of the men jumped into the water and by swimming, managed to reach our forces at Cape Collinson, others who were able to get away climbed up to Lyemun Barracks but, unknown to them, Lyemun was already in Japanese hands, and they were mown down by machine-gun fire while crossing the parade ground and other open spaces. Confusion reigned, most of our troops had fallen back to the hills although there were some units who had not been informed of the attack and were cut off. In one instance, to escape from some heavy shelling, one of our men dived under the foundations of the guard room at Lyemun Barracks where he was joined a few minutes later by a Japanese patrol who, fortunately, did not notice him in the darkness and confusion. He later escaped and joined our forces in the Ty Tam area.

The following incident is from an eyewitness of a 2 Pdr. gun troop sent to reinforce the Tai Koo Dockyard area.

At about 7 p.m. we proceeded to the Dockyard, arriving to find a heavy barrage in progress. The Dockyard was in flames, but we directed fire from one of the slipways on a number of small boats and sampans loaded with enemy troops approaching across the harbour.

 

The shelling was too fierce however, and the slipway was burning under our feet, so we destroyed the gun and retreated to cover in among the dockyard buildings where we stayed until about midnight.  Unknown to us, troops in the vicinity had been ordered to retreat earlier and our own guns were using our position as a target.

We continued to fire with small arms at the attacking enemy who were by this time swarming across the harbour until about half of our detachment had been killed or wounded. We were then forced to leave the dockyard, only to find that all that particular area was in enemy hands. We were fortunate, however, in finding a lorry just inside the dockyard and we piled in, praying that it would start. Fortunately, it did.

We drove madly through Sai Wan Ho and Shau Kei Wan with small arms fire directed at us from all sides. Many buildings were in flames but in the dark and confusion we finally reached safety at Ty Tam. It was not until we arrived that we discovered that in the back of the lorry were stacked boxes of ammunition. We then realised how lucky we had been, when we thought of what would have happened if a shot had detonated that load.

Also, on that never-to-be-forgotten night, many of our trucks taking reinforcements and stores along the waterfront ran into Japanese ambushes in the vicinity of North Point and many casualties resulted including a good friend of mine, L/Sgt. Downes. 

At one point a Medical Store and Dressing Station located at the Salesian Mission on Island Road at Shau Kei Wan were surrounded and captured. The men were stripped and with their hands tied behind their backs, taken outside, lined up on the edge of a nullah (storm drain) and bayonetted. Three men survived, although badly injured, by pretending to be dead. One man, Cpl. Leath, RAMC crawled nearly two miles to safety with a deep sword wound in his neck.

By the morning the situation was as follows: The Japanese had possession of the waterfront from North Point to Barclay’s Bay (below Chai Wan), including the forts at Lyemun, Pak Sha Wan and Sai Wan. Small patrols of the enemy had infiltrated into the hills in the Jardine’s Lookout and Mount Parker areas and had established a wedge across the hills towards Wong Nei Chong Gap.

Our troops were rather amazed when, on the morning of the 19th December, orders were given to destroy the guns at Collinson and Cape D'Aguilar and retire to Stanley. This was later considered to be a mistake, as these positions were not seriously threatened by the enemy and could have been extremely useful in delaying the advance of the Japanese. About this time the 6” Guns at Chung Hom Kok were also destroyed. This was a position on a small peninsular to the west of Stanley. A troop of 3” A.A. guns and a small Naval detachment of the Port War Signal Station were also there.

By the 19th December, our troops were holding the Ty Tam Tuk area, which is heavily wooded and mountainous with deep reservoirs. But the enemy had several advantages over us for they had been well briefed concerning the terrain and had equipment that was suitable and adaptable for hill fighting. Our equipment in comparison was too heavy and cumbersome and could be heard some distance away. They, themselves, wore rubber boots and were expert in moving quietly, their individual camouflage being excellent. During an attack they would yell like demons – it was hideous to listen to them, especially at night. Another advantage the enemy had over us was the effectiveness of their mortar fire which was a great factor in their hill fighting.

We suffered a bad loss when the H.Q. of the Canadian Battalion at Wong Nei Chong was overrun and the Battalion Commander, Brigadier Lawson killed. The Island was now cut in two, the Eastern Brigade being defended from its H.Q. at Stanley Fort with Brigadier Wallis in command and the Western Brigade (after the death of Brig. Lawson) from Battle Headquarters by General Maltby.

On the 20th, the Japanese occupied the D'Aguilar peninsular and deployed field artillery, to pour shells into the Stanley defences across Ty Tam Bay. They also launched an attack on Red Hill and Ty Tam.  Heavy fighting took place around these areas, but the enemy was held for two days. Meanwhile, in the Western end of the Island, they were pressing forward as far as Happy Valley Racecourse, Jardine’s Lookout, and Wong Nei Chong Gap. The latter was a heavily defended area and fierce fighting took place in that region. 

Street fighting was going on around Causeway Bay. At Happy Valley racecourse, the Japanese had taken possession of the horses, that only a short while before had been the delight of the local racing profession and were now being used for the purpose of dragging ammunition and supplies up the steep mountain sides. Our greatest drawback, of course, was a lack of air support and air reconnaissance.  Our artillery was firing blind, whereas the Japanese had constant air cover and were able to see our every movement during daylight.

Some of our troops, falling back from Wong Nei Chong, took up positions at 'The Ridge', a group of houses on the way towards Repulse Bay. On the 21st December, the enemy strongly attacked this position. Eventually it fell, the Japanese killed the wounded and other troops captured were taken later to ‘Eucliff’, a large house to the west of Repulse Bay. They were tied up and bayonetted at the edge of a cliff, their bodies being dumped over. There was one survivor who, although shot in the face, managed to crawl into a small cave and later, by swimming, managed eventually to get to Stanley.

On 22nd December, after heavy fighting, the Japanese advanced past Ty Tam Gap and occupied Stanley Mound and The Twins, hills which overlooked the Stanley peninsular. This gave them excellent observation for heavy shelling of Stanley Fort.

It is estimated that over 1,500 shells of all calibres were fired on the morning of the 23rd; the firing was extremely accurate although there was a high percentage of 'Duds'. On the morning of 23rd, Brig. Wallis ordered a counterattack which successfully recaptured Stanley Mound, but due to the lack of supplies and few troops to act as reinforcements to replace casualties, we had to fall back to our old positions. The total number of our troops trapped in and around Stanley was about 1,800, consisting mainly of Royal Artillery, Middlesex, Canadian, HKVDC, and a sprinkling of other units. The machine gun posts around Stanley peninsular were manned by the Middlesex Regiment. The Japanese at this time were estimated at about 17,000. (This was found later to be an underestimate, the enemy had five battalions available.)

Our beach defence guns were utilised for hill fighting and were doing good work, but we had lost a number of them. On more than one occasion guns had to be abandoned in the hills, after removing the firing pins. A few hours later we would recapture the guns. This gives some idea of the confusion of the fighting in the hills. We had two 2-pdr. guns operating in the Stanley village area with two 18-pdrs. There were two further 18-pdr guns at Bluff Head. 

By the 24th the Japanese with overwhelming strength had launched an all-out attack on Stanley. They attempted to advance along Beach Road, led by three light tanks. Our 2-pdr. gun located at the side of the old Police Station managed to put out of action the two leading tanks, the third one beat a hasty retreat. Fierce fighting took place all day, with our troops gradually giving way and retreating to a final line of defence at the rear of the Preparatory School and St. Stephen's College, which was being used as an emergency hospital.

On the 25th December, after fierce fighting, the Japanese took possession of St. Stephen's College - they swept through the wards, massacring the wounded. The doctors and medical staff were killed, and sisters and nurses were raped before being killed. The enemy were blood crazy.

By that evening the Japanese were at the gates of the Fort and shells were pouring in from every type of gun they possessed. We who were trapped knew the position was hopeless and thought that we were doomed. We knew it was not the policy of the Japanese to take prisoners. We did not expect to see the morning.

At about 10 p.m. on 25th December, a car with lights on and displaying white flags entered the Fort with a message that the Governor of Hong Kong had surrendered the Colony to save further suffering of the civilian population. This was confirmed by a written message about 1 a. m. on the 26th. The Battle of Hong Kong had ended.

When the embattled troops heard of the cease-fire, many thought the Japanese had surrendered because, during the fighting, Battle Headquarters had put out numerous propaganda notices to the effect that units of the Chinese Armies were attacking the Japanese in the New Territories. This turned out to be wishful thinking. When we realised that it was ourselves, who were beaten, our spirits dropped. The best way of describing our state of mind is to quote the old Chinese saying: "An inch ahead is all darkness".

At the time of the surrender, Stanley Fort was in a pitiful state. Japanese forces were about 100 yards away from the perimeter, penning about 1,500 troops, on the end of the peninsular in an area of about one square mile. Unfortunately, there was only a small hospital and medical detachment to cope with the many hundreds of casualties. Two Army Doctors toiled ceaselessly to alleviate the suffering of the sick and wounded. Operations were performed under practically impossible conditions with the aid of torches, while drugs and medicines were in very short supply.

The three 9.2" coast defence guns were practically intact, although many hits had been registered on them by Japanese gunfire. This was due to the gun shields and the angle of the firing, as the Japanese gunfire itself was extremely accurate. Fortunately, most of the shells had been deflected into the sea behind the gun sites.

About midday on the 26th, the Japanese Commander with a large escort entered the Fort, and conferences took place with Brigadier Wallis, for the signing of the capitulation terms. One of the conditions was that all guns, munitions, and stores must be handed over intact or else the whole of the garrison would suffer death.

The next few days were fraught with apprehension and indecision. Nobody knew exactly what was happening. Occasionally, we saw a few Japanese staff officers who were attending conferences with our H.Q. but, other than that, the Japanese Forces did not enter the Fort in large numbers. We occupied the time by organising parties to proceed to the vicinity of Stanley Village, where the fiercest fighting had taken place, and bring in the wounded and collect and bury the dead, trying as far as possible to keep accurate records of the casualties.

Rumours were rife. Many had the idea that we would be transported to China and used as slave labour - an idea which eventually materialised, the only difference being that we were sent to Japan instead of China.

On the 29th December 1941, we received orders to prepare on the morrow to march to a prisoner of war camp, which was situated in the old Chinese internment camp at North Point.

A word about this North Point Camp. In 1939 and 1940 when the Japanese first swarmed through South China, many hundreds of thousands of refugees came across the border into British territory.  The police were helpless in trying to keep them at bay and these penniless refugees were dying in the streets through hunger and malnutrition, many hundreds a day. The Government did all they could to help, one scheme being to erect refugee camps in two or three places on British territory. These consisted of wooden huts and each camp was issued with a small amount of food. When the Japanese attacked, North Point Refugee Camp, being situated right on the waterfront, received a very heavy pounding by shellfire and hardly a building escaped damage. After the capture of this area, the camp was used for the stabling of Japanese horses and mules for about a fortnight. The state of the camp can be well imagined, and it was into this that 1,500 prisoners of war were herded, the original accommodation being for 300.

At 8 a.m. on the 30th December, 1941 all forces at Stanley, less the wounded, were lined up. We consisted of R.A., R.A.M.C., Middlesex, Royal Scots, Canadians, and a sprinkling of other units.  The march was a nightmare, we marched about 16 miles over mountainous country, surrounded by Japanese patrols who marched alongside our columns which stretched for about 1 ¼ miles. With their machine guns on lorries trained on us, they laughed as they watched us struggling along. Many of the men had wounds and had to be half carried by their comrades. We each carried a few possessions, but many of these had to be thrown away on the gruelling journey. The only item of interest worth recording was that we passed through the areas where the fiercest fighting had taken place, such as Stanley Village, Ty Tam Tuk, Lyemun, Shau Kei Wan, etc. We first passed through Stanley Village, and to those of us who remember it as a fine Chinese fishing village, it gave us an unpleasant shock to see the heap of rubble which was all that was left of most of it.

A few Chinese amahs had gathered and were watching their previous masters shuffling past. Many were in tears. Bitterness, however, tinged our feelings as we saw Japanese flags hanging from the windows of the few houses that remained standing. Still, we could hardly blame these villagers and they were to suffer greatly before they knew freedom again.

Dead bodies were everywhere, lying where they had fallen on the battlefield. On the hillside by Shau Kei Wan we noticed many bodies of Indian troops with their hands tied behind their backs and with bayonets still sticking in their bodies, where they had been cruelly massacred by the Japanese troops. The reeking smell of death, blood, and putrefaction was too horrible to describe. We could not at that time realise the terrible aftermath of war, but we were to see that in the weeks to come.

On the march, many dropped out and were never seen again. When we eventually arrived at North Point, practically everyone was exhausted and on the verge of collapse. The conditions of our new abode were astounding. The camp had neither water nor sanitary facilities, and each hut was riddled through, and flies were everywhere. We just gasped with horror and refused to believe that any nation, which had any degree of humanity, could confine about 1, 500 men into this hellish place but we were to realise that in the Japanese forces, humanity and kindness were totally non-existent. We were herded into the huts and in a dazed and exhausted condition began to shift the filth and manure which littered the huts, in some places knee deep, before we could find a corner in which to collapse for the night.

The next day, with an effort, we began to clean up our future abode. I think it very true that Englishmen are seen at their best when faced with adversity. The worse the situation, the stronger their spirit becomes to face it. Under the appalling conditions we found ourselves, it was heartening to see how all worked with a will, to better our conditions.

How true became the saying that necessity is the mother of invention. Using some make-shift brushes the camp was cleared of rubbish, holes were patched up and some of the R.E.'s attempted to sink a well for a water supply. Unfortunately, due to our location on the waterfront the water was undrinkable. Flies were so thick that we could swot them off the walls and ceiling and gather them up in a shovel. Our discipline was good and gradually we became organised. The R.A.M.C. personnel gathered the sick and wounded into a hut to be used as a hospital, and other units straightened up the camp to make it habitable.

One of our biggest problems was water. For the first few days we were limited to one pint per day per person. Our food consisted of a small bowl of rice at about 9 a.m., although most of us at that time were able to supplement it with rations, we had carried with us.

In spite of the fact that Japanese guards were posted all around the camp, the original fence surrounding it was broken in many places, and for the first two or three nights, quite a number of our men crawled past the guards and visited Chinese families nearby, returning in the morning, because it would have been practically impossible to escape from the island. These excursions ceased when the Japanese re-wired the camp.

Each day our numbers swelled as troops, who had been up in the hills and had not known of the surrender, were rounded up. Later we were to find instances where some of our troops had hidden in the hills for weeks, dodging Japanese search parties, and in a few cases, had managed to get hold of small boats and made their escape to Macau (a Portuguese possession about 40 miles west of Hong Kong).

Due to our living conditions, it was not long before disease and sickness broke out. Dysentery spread rapidly through the camp. On the 4th January I contracted it and was sent to the makeshift hospital with a temperature of 104°. However, the Japanese, realising their own troops would suffer if they did not stop the epidemic, now ordered all serious cases to be taken to Bowen Road Hospital.

The journey to the hospital was interesting, or would have been, had we been in the condition to take notice: we saw street upon street in ruins, and in many cases, whole blocks had been destroyed in the street fighting and bombing. On arrival at Bowen Road Hospital, we discovered that although large red crosses were prominently displayed on the roof tops, the place had been hit repeatedly by dive-bombers, which had completely destroyed the whole centre block.

Although the buildings were riddled with shrapnel and bullet holes, the hospital had functioned marvelously, and many lives had been saved by the skill and determination of the doctors and nursing staff. Fortunately, there was a large reserve of medicines and drugs (most of which were later taken over by the Japanese) and we soon recovered.